1154
In the year of grace 1154, being the nineteenth and last year of the
reign of king Stephen, Eustace, the son of king Stephen, departed this
life. ... In the same year king Stephen laid siege to many castles, and
took them, and leveled many of them with the ground; almost the very
last of which was the castle of Drax; shortly after which, king Stephen
died, and was buried at the abbey of Eversham. He was succeeded on the
throne by Henry, duke of Normandy, son of the empress Matilda, who was
crowned and consecrated king by Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, at
London, on the Lord’s day before the Nativity of our Lord. In the same
year, Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, gave to Thomas Becket, his
clerk, the archdeaconry of Canterbury. In this year also, Louis, king of
the Franks, caused himself to be divorced from his wife Eleanor,
daughter of the duke of Aquitaine, the archbishops, bishops, earls and
barons, making oath that she had ceased to deserve to be his wife.
However, Henry, king of England, took the before-named Eleanor to wife,
and had by her sons and daughters. The king of France, however, by his
wife Eleanor, had no issue of the male sex, and only two daughters, one
of whom he married to Henry, earl of Champagne, and the other to
Theobald, earl of Blois, brother of the said earl Henry. After this,
Louis, king of the Franks, took to wife the daughter of the king of
Spain, by whom he had two daughters only.
1155
In the year 1155, being the first year of the reign of king Henry,
son of the empress Matilda, the said king laid siege to the castles of
his enemies in England, and captured them; some of which he retained in
his own hands, and some he leveled with the ground. After this, he
crossed over into Normandy, and did homage to Louis, king of the Franks,
for Normandy, Aquitaine, Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, with all their
appurtenances. In the same year, died pope Anastasius, who was succeeded
by Adrian.
1156
In the year of grace 1156, being the second year of the reign of
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king returned from Normandy
to England, and caused nearly all the castles, which had been erected in
England in the time of king Stephen, to be demolished, and issued a new
coinage, which was the only one received and current throughout the
realm; he also established peace in the kingdom, and commanded the laws
of king Henry, his grandfather, to be observed inviolably throughout the
whole of his kingdom, and in many matters followed the advice of
Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury.
1157
In the year of grace 1157, being the third year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king, by the advice and
entreaty of Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, conferred the
chancellorship upon Thomas, archdeacon of Canterbury, and bestowed upon
him many revenues, both ecclesiastical and of a secular nature, and
received him so much into his esteem and familiarity, that throughout
the kingdom there was no one his equal, save the king alone. In the same
year, Malcolm, king of the Scots, came to the king of England at
Chester, and did homage to him in the same way that his grandfather had
done homage to the former king Henry, saving always all his dignities.
1158
In the year of grace 1158, being the fourth year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry caused himself to
be crowned a second time at Lincoln, without the walls of the city, at
Wikeford. In the same year, by the king’s command, the castle of Werk
was rebuilt. The king, and Malcolm, king of the Scots, met at Carlisle,
but separated mutually displeased; in consequence of which, the king of
Scots was not created a knight for the present.
1159
In the year of grace 1159, being the fifth year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry caused himself, a
third time, together with his wife Eleanor, to be crowned at Worcester,
at the festival of Easter; and when they came to the offertory, they
took off their crowns, and offered them upon the altar; vowing before
God, that they would never in all their lives wear them again.
In the same year, pope Adrian departed this life, and was succeeded by
pope Alexander the Third, who was canonically elected and consecrated.
But Frederick, emperor of the Romans, being unwilling to acknowledge
him, erected an idol for himself, Octavianus, an antipope, and, an
execrable convention and league being formed of those of his own blood,
against pope Alexander, he with his nation determined to pay veneration
to him, on which a schism arose in the church, which lasted eighteen
years.
In the same year, Henry, king of England, having levied a large army,
laid siege to Toulouse, and although he sat before it for a long time,
and wasted his treasure in various expenses, still he was able to effect
nothing there, and without gaining his object, took his departure. In
this expedition died William, earl of Boulogne, son of king Stephen, and
Hamo, son of the earl of Gloucester, with many others. On his return
from this expedition, Malcolm, king of Scotland, was knighted by Henry,
king of the English, at Tours.
1160
In the year of grace 1160, being the sixth year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, Malcolm, king of the Scots, returned
to his country from the expedition against Toulouse.
1161
In the year of grace 1161, being the seventh year of the reign of
king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, that king and Louis, king of the
Franks, disagreed respecting some divisions of their territories, and
the castles of Gisors and Neafle, which at that time were in the hands
of Louis, king of the Franks, and which the said king Henry claimed as
properly belonging to his dukedom of Normandy. But shortly after they
came to terms on these conditions; that the king of France should give
his two daughters, whom he had had by his wife, the daughter of the king
of Spain (the name of one of whom was Margaret, and of the other Alice)
in marriage to the two sons of king Henry, namely, Henry and Richard,
who were as yet but little children; that he should deliver the
before-named castles of Gisors and Neafle into the hands of the Templars
for safe custody, until such time as his above-named daughters should be
married to the said sons of king Henry, and that it should be arranged
with them, that is to say, with Robert de Firou and Tostes de Saint
Omer, that when, Margaret, the daughter of the king of France, had been
married to Henry, the son of the king of England, they should deliver up
to king Henry both the castles.
These terms being agreed to on both sides, and confirmed by oath, the
king of the Franks delivered both of his daughters to the king of
England, and the above-named castles into the custody of the Templars.
Shortly after this period, Henry, king of England, caused his son Henry
to be married to Margaret, the daughter of the king of France, although
they were as yet but little children, crying in the cradle; Robert de
Pirou, Tostes de Saint Omer, and Richard de Hastings, the Templars who
had custody of the said castles, being witnesses and consenting thereto;
immediately upon which they surrendered those castles to the king of
England. In consequence, the king of France was extremely indignant at
them, and banished these knights from the kingdom of France, upon which
the king of England received them and rewarded them with many honors. In
the same year, Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the Roman
Church, departed this life.
1162
In the year from the Incarnation of our Lord 1162, being the eighth
year of king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king conferred
the see of Canterbury on Thomas, his chancellor. In the same year, pope
Alexander came into France, having been expelled from his see by
Frederick, the emperor of the Romans. He was honorably entertained by
king Louis and by Henry, king of the English, who looked upon him as
pope of the Catholic Church. In the same year, Malcolm, king of the
Scots, gave his sister Ada in marriage to the earl of Holland.
1163
In the year of grace 1163, being the ninth year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king of England returned
from Normandy into England; and king Malcolm having recovered at
Doncaster from a severe illness, a solemn treaty of peace was made
between him and the king of England. In the same year, pope Alexander
held a general council at Tours, at which he excommunicated Octavianus
the antipope.
In the same year, a great dissension arose between the king of England
and Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, relative to the ecclesiastical
dignities, which the said king of the English was attempting to disturb
and lower in estimation, whereas the archbishop endeavored by every
possible means to keep the ecclesiastical power and dignities intact.
For it was the king’s wish that if priests, deacons, subdeacons, and
other rulers of the church should be apprehended on the commission of
theft, or murder, or felony, or arson, or the like crimes, they should
be taken before secular judges, and punished like the laity. Against
this the archbishop of Canterbury urged, that if a clerk in holy orders,
or any other ruler of the Church, should be charged upon any matter, he
ought to be tried by ecclesiastics and in the ecclesiastical court; and
if he should be convicted, that then he ought to be deprived of his
orders, and that, when thus stripped of his office and his
ecclesiastical preferment, if he should offend again, he ought to be
tried at the pleasure of the king and of his deputies.
1164
In the year of grace 1164, being the tenth year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said Henry gave to Henry, duke of
Saxony, his daughter Matilda in marriage. In the same year, having
called together a great council, and all the archbishops and bishops of
England being assembled in his presence, he requested them, out of their
love for and obedience to him, and for the establishment of the kingdom,
to receive the laws of king Henry, his grandfather, and faithfully to
observe them: on which, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, made answer
for himself and the others, that they would receive those laws which the
king said were made by his grandfather, and with good faith would
observe the same; saving their orders and the honor of God and of the
Holy Church in all respects. But this reservation greatly displeased the
king, and he used every possible method to make the bishops promise that
they would, without any exception whatever, observe those laws; to this,
however, the archbishop of Canterbury would on no account agree.
A considerable time after this, Arnulph, bishop of Lisieux, came over to
England, and anxiously endeavored, day and night, to make peace between
the king and the archbishop, but was unable to ensure complete success.
Upon this, by the advice of the bishop of Lisieux, the king separated
Roger, archbishop of York, Robert de Melun, bishop of Hereford, Robert,
bishop of Lincoln, and some other prelates of the church, from the
society and counsel of the archbishop of Canterbury, in order that
through them he might more easily induce the archbishop to yield to his
own attempts. After this, there came to England. a certain man belonging
to the religious orders, named Philip de Eleeoemosyna, being sent as a
legate “a latere,” by Alexander the Supreme Pontiff, and all the
cardinals, for the purpose of making peace between the king and the
archbishop of Canterbury; by whom the pope and all the cardinals sent
word to the archbishop of Canterbury, that he must make peace with the
king of England his master, and promise, without any exception, to obey
his laws. Assenting therefore to this and other advice on the part of
these great men, the archbishop of Canterbury came to the king at
Woodstock, and there made a promise to the king and agreed that he
would, in good faith, and without any bad intent, observe his laws.
Shortly after this, the clergy and people of the kingdom being convened
at Clarendon, the archbishop repented that he had made this concession
to the king, and, wishing to recede from his agreement, said that in
making the concession he had greatly sinned, but would sin no longer in
so doing. In consequence of this, the king’s anger was greatly aroused
against him, and he threatened him and his people with exile and death;
upon which, the bishops of Salisbury and Norwich came to the archbishop
together with Robert, earl of Leicester, Reginald, earl of Cornwall, and
the two Templars, Richard de Hastings and Tostes de Saint Omer, and in
tears threw themselves at the feet of the archbishop, and begged that he
would at least, for the sake of the king’s dignity, come to him, and in
the presence of the people declare that he would observe his laws. The
archbishop being consequently overcome by the entreaties of such great
men, came to the king, and in the presence of the clergy and the people,
said that he had acceded to those laws which the king called those of
his grandfather. He also conceded that the bishops should receive those
laws and promise to observe them. Upon this, the king gave orders to all
the earls and barons of the realm, that they should go out and call to
remembrance the laws of king Henry his grandfather, and reduce them to
writing. When this had been done, the king commanded the archbishops and
bishops to annex their seals to the said writing; but, while the others
were ready so to do, the archbishop of Canterbury swore that he would
never annex his seal to that writing or conform those laws.
When the king saw that he could not by these means attain his object, he
ordered a written copy of these laws to be made, and gave a duplicate of
it to the archbishop of Canterbury, which he, in spite of the
prohibition of the whole of the clergy, received from the king’s hand,
and turning to the clergy, exclaimed, “Courage, brethren! by means of
this writing we shall be enabled to discover the evil intentions of the
king, and against whom we ought to be on our guard;” after which he
retired from the court, and was unable by any means to recover the
king’s favor. And because he had acted unadvisedly in this matter, he
suspended himself from the celebration of divine service from that hour,
until such time as he himself, or his messenger, should have spoken
thereon with our lord the pope.
After this, there came to England Rotrod, archbishop of Rouen, on behalf
of our lord the pope, for the purpose of effecting a reconciliation
between the king and the archbishop of Canterbury; to which, however,
the king would on no account consent, unless our lord the pope should,
by his bull, confirm those laws. When this could be in nowise effected,
the king sent John of Oxford and Geoffrey Riddel, his clerks, to pope
Alexander, requesting him to give the legateship of the whole of England
to Roger, the archbishop of York, that so through his means he might be
able to confound the archbishop of Canterbury. But our lord the pope
would not, as to this part of it, listen to the king’s request. However,
upon the petition of the king’s clerks, our lord the pope conceded that
the king himself should be legate for the whole of England; on such
terms, however, that he could do nothing offensive to the archbishop of
Canterbury. The king, on seeing this, in his indignation sent back to
our lord the pope the letters appointing him legate, which John of
Oxford and Geoffrey Riddel had brought.
In the same year, on the vigil of Saint Agatha, the virgin and martyr, a
great earthquake took place in the island of Sicily; so much so, that
the city of Catania was utterly destroyed, and the bishops and clergy,
and all the inhabitants of the city, perished; thirty thousand fighting
men, in fact, besides women and children, which could not be numbered.
On the same day, after the destruction of the city of Catania, the sea
receded a distance of three thousand seven hundred and fifty paces,
leaving vast quantities of fish of various kinds on the sands; end when
the inhabitants of the country adjacent to the city that had been
overthrown flocked together, and were intent upon taking the fish, the
sea flowed back again and surrounded them, and swept them away into the
deep.
1165
In the year of grace 1165, being the eleventh year of the reign of
king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king assembled a great
council at Northampton, where he inflicted great annoyances upon Thomas,
the archbishop of Canterbury. For in the first place, the king made his
own horses take up their quarters at the archbishop’s lodgings, on which
the prelate sent word to the king that he would not come to court until
his lodgings had been cleared of the king’s horses and men. On the day
after the council, archbishop Thomas came to the king’s court, attended
by his suffragan bishops, and demanded his leave immediately to cross
the sea to go to pope Alexander, who at this time was staying in France;
this, however, he could not obtain; but the king said to him, “You shall
first answer me, for the injustice you have done to John, my marshal, in
your court.” For this John had made complaint to the king that when he
had claimed in the archbishop’s court a certain piece of land against
him, as held by hereditary right, and had for a long time impleaded him
in respect thereof, he was unable to obtain any redress from him, and
had appealed from the jurisdiction of the archbishop’s court upon oath,
according to the custom of the kingdom. To this the archbishop made
answer:
“There has been no refusal of justice to John in my court; but he
himself (whether by the advice of some one else, or whether of his own
free will, I know not) brought into my court a certain bundle, end took
the oath upon it, that in consequence of denial of justice he withdrew
from my court; whereas it appeared to the justices of my court that it
was he who had done the injustice towards me, in thus withdrawing from
my court; as it is one of the statutes of your kingdom which says, ‘If
any person shall wish to appeal from the court of another person, he
must make oath upon the Holy Evangelists.’”
However, the king, paying no attention to Thomas, when he had said these
words, made oath that he would have both justice and judgment at his
hands. The barons of the king’s court thereupon sentenced him to be
amerced by the king, and although the archbishop endeavored to appeal
against this judgment, still, by the entreaties and advice of the barons
he suffered himself to be amerced by the king, in the sum of five
hundred pounds, and found security for that sum.
Upon this, he retired from the court and went to his lodgings, and,
on account of the annoyance and vexation which he felt in his mind, took
to his bed and fell extremely ill. When this became known to the king,
that he might annoy him still more, he immediately sent to him, and
summoned him by trusty summoners, to appear before him on the following
day, prepared to give him an account of the stewardship, which he had
held in the kingdom before his consecration. The archbishop, however,
being sensible that a heavy sentence of banishment awaited him, if he
should hasten to make his appearance at the court, sought every excuse
for delay; both on the ground of the time given by the summons being
extremely short, as also of his severe attack of illness. Upon this, the
king seeing that the archbishop would not appear that day, sent to him
Robert, earl of Leicester, and Reginald, earl of Cornwall, to be
witnesses of his illness. When they came, they found him lying ill in
bed, and at his entreaty granted him a respite from coming to the court
until the following morning. On the same day it was told him, and word
was brought to him by those of the king’s household, that if he appeared
at the king’s court, he would either be thrown into prison or to death.
In consequence of this, the archbishop, after conferring with his
friends on these matters, by the advice of a certain prudent person,
next morning, before going to the court, celebrated with the greatest
devotion the mass of Saint Stephen, the Proto-martyr, the office of
which begins to this effect, “Etenim sederunt principes, et adversum me
loquebantur,” etc., and commended his cause to the supreme Judge, who is
God. Still, for celebrating this mass, he was afterwards severely
accused by Gilbert, bishop of London, who spoke in the king’s behalf.
For the bishop of London made it an accusation against him, that he had
celebrated this mass by means of the magic art, and out of contempt of
the king.
After having thus celebrated the mass, the archbishop placed over his
shoulders his stole, and then put on his black canonical cape, and
forthwith set out for the king’s court. Immediately upon this, a great
crowd of people collected together from all quarters to see what would
be the end of it. He carried his cross in his right hand, while with the
left he held the reins of the horse on which he was seated, and on
coming to the king’s palace dismounted, and, still holding the cross,
entered the royal mansion; after which, he entered the outer chamber
alone, still carrying his cross; but no one of his people followed him
thither. On entering the chamber, he found there a great number of the
common people, on which he took his seat among them. The king, however,
was in his private closet with the persons of his household.
On this, Gilbert, the bishop of London, came to the archbishop on the
king’s behalf, and greatly censured him for coming to the court thus
armed with the cross, and even tried to wrest it from his hands, but the
archbishop grasped it too tightly for him; whereupon, Henry, the bishop
of Winchester, said to the bishop of London, “Brother, allow the
archbishop to retain his cross; for he ought himself to be well able to
carry it.” The bishop of London, being greatly enraged at this remark,
turned to the bishop of Winchester, and replied, “Brother, you have
spoken to ill purpose, and evil will ensue to you therefrom, inasmuch as
you have spoken against the king’s interests.”
Next came to him Roger, the archbishop of York. “Oh, how oft did he wish
to approach him with bland requests, and soft entreaties to use!” But
the old embers of hatred forbade him so to do, end would not allow trim
to utter a word in a peaceful way. On the contrary, he uttered the most
severe reproaches against him for thus coming to court armed with the
cross; saying that the king had a sword which was still sharper, and
therefore, if he followed his advice, he would lay aside his cross. On
this, one of the bystanders made this remark: “Believe me, if you
believe him, you will be deceived. The fowler plays sweetly on his pipe
while decoying the birds. Beneath sweet honey noxious poisons lie
concealed.” However, the archbishop of Canterbury refused to put aside
his cross, but said: “If the king’s sword carnally slays the body, my
sword pierces spiritually, and sends the soul to hell.” Now while he was
sitting there waiting, some persons secretly told him that his death had
been sworn by the king’s followers; in consequence of which, from that
hour he sought an opportunity for withdrawing from the court, and, that
he might more easily withdraw, appealed to the Supreme Pontiff, placing
the cause of the Church and of himself under the protection of God and
of our lord the pope; and gave orders to all the bishops inviolably to
observe his appeal. Upon this, all the bishops advised him to comply
with the king’s wishes, and, surrendering his see, throw himself upon
his mercy; but the archbishop refused to trust them upon that point.
At this moment the king sent him word by his knights to come to him
without delay, and render to him a full account of ad the receipts of
the revenues of the kingdom during the time that he had been his
chancellor. And, in particular, he was questioned with reference to
thirty thousand pounds of silver; on which the archbishop made answer:
“My lord the king knows that I have often rendered him an account with
reference to all the demands he is now making upon me, before my
election to the archbishopric of Canterbury. But, upon my election to
that see, the king’s son, Henry, to whom the kingdom was bound by its
oath, and all the barons of the exchequer, and Richard de Lucy, the
justiciar of England, released me before God and the Holy Church, from
all receipts and reckonings, and from all secular exactions on behalf of
our lord the king, and thus, free and acquitted, was I elected to the
administration of the duties of this office; and for that reason do I
refuse to plead any further.” The king, upon hearing this, said to his
barons: “Make haste and pronounce judgment upon this person, who, being
my liege-man, refuses to take his trial in my court;” on which they went
forth, and pronounced that he deserved to be arrested and placed in
confinement. On hearing this, the king sent to him Reginald, earl of
Cornwall, and Robert, earl of Leicester, to inform him of the judgment
that had been pronounced upon him; who accordingly said to him: “Listen
to the judgment pronounced upon you.” To this, the bishop made answer:
“In the name of Almighty God, and under penalty of excommunication I
forbid you this day to pronounce judgment upon me, inasmuch as I have
appealed unto the presence of our lord the pope.” While the above-named
earls were carrying this answer to the king, the archbishop went forth
from the chamber, and going through the midst of them, reached his
palfrey, and mounting it, left the palace, all the people shouting after
him and saying: “Where are you going, traitor? Stop, and hear your
sentence!”
When, however, he had arrived at the outer gates, he found them shut,
and was in great apprehension of being taken by his enemies, but
Almighty God delivered him. For, Peter de Munctorio, one of his
servants, espied a number of keys hanging on a mail near the gate, and
taking them down, opened it, on which the archbishop sallied forth on
horseback, the king’s porters standing by, and uttering not a word. The
archbishop made all haste to arrive at the house of some canons regular,
where he was hospitably entertained, and commanded the tables to be set
out and all the poor that were to be found before the gates to be
introduced to eat and drink in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. This
was accordingly done; and he, together with them and his people,
becomingly partook of the repast in the refectory of the canons, and,
when it was finished, made his bed in the church, between the nave and
the altar. In the meantime, he had secretly ordered preparations to be
made for his journey, as it was his intention to depart by night. At
twilight, therefore, when the king and the rest were supping in the
town, taking with him two friars of the Cistercian order, the name of
one of whom was Robert de Caune, and of the other Scaiman, and a single
servant, who was called Roger de Broc, he went out of the town through
the gate, which was left entirely without guards, and at daybreak
arrived at Lincoln, and was entertained at the house of James. Here the
archbishop changed his dress, and, changing his name, ordered himself to
be called by that of Dereman; and then, being recognized by few persons,
taking remote ways and bye-paths, he hastened towards the sea-shore, he
and his attendants riding on at night, and concealing themselves in the
day among his friends and acquaintances. At last they arrived at the
sea-shore, and reaching the port of Sandwich, secretly embarked on board
of a ship, and then, secretly setting sail, in the morning landed in
Flanders, whence he immediately made his way to France.
Before, however, he had arrived at the court of Louis, king of the
Franks, Gilbert Folliot, bishop of London, and William, earl of Arundel,
had arrived on behalf of the king of England, to prevent the king of
France from receiving the archbishop of Canterbury in his kingdom, and
to request him to beg our lord the pope, out of his love for him, not to
receive the archbishop of Canterbury into his favor. But the more pains
the above-named envoys of the king of England took to have the
archbishop of Canterbury expelled from the kingdom of France, the more
did the king of France favor him and his cause. In addition to this, the
king of France sent brother Francis his almoner, to pope Alexander, who
was at this time staying in France, begging him, as he esteemed the
honor of the Ro-man Church and the aid of the kingdom of France, in all
things to maintain Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, and his cause
against the tyrant of England; and, accordingly, from this moment our
lord the pope received the archbishop of Canterbury into great favor.
In the meantime, Henry, king of England, sent to our lord the pope
Roger, archbishop of York, Henry, bishop of Winchester, Gilbert, bishop
of London, Hilary, bishop of Chichester, and Bartholomew, bishop of
Exeter, together with Guido Rufus, Richard de Ivechester, and John of
Oxford, clerks, and William, earl of Arundel, Hugh de Gondeville,
Bernard de Saint Valery, and Henry Fitzgerald, laymen. These persons
found the pope at the city of Sens, and gave utterance to many evil and
false accusations against the archbishop of Canterbury; but our lord the
pope did not believe them, as he knew that they were bearing false
witness against him.
On seeing that they could not gain their object, they requested of our
lord the pope that two legates might be sent to England to take
cognizance of the dispute which existed be-tween the king and the
archbishop of Canterbury, and to de-cide it to the honor of God, and of
the Holy Church, and of the realm. However, our lord the pope was not
willing to send any cardinal or any legate, as he was aware that the
king of Eng-land was powerful both in word and deed, and that legates
might easily be corrupted, as being more athirst for gold and silver
than for justice and equity. Upon this, the envoys of the king of
England, being unable to gain their object, withdrew from the court of
our lord the pope. On the fourth day after, Thomas, the archbishop of
Canterbury, came thither, and, throwing himself at the feet of our lord
the pope, presented to him the above-mentioned writing, in which were
written the laws of England, which the king called the laws of his
grandfather. The pope, having heard them read in presence of all the
cardinals, and of the clergy and a large concourse of people, pronounced
a perpetual condemnation upon them, and excommunicated all persons who
should observe them, or in any way maintain them.
In this year two comets made their appearance before sunrise, in the
month of August; one in the west, the other in the north. A comet is a
star which does not appear at all times, but in especial at the death of
a king, or upon the ruin of a nation. When it appears refulgent with a
hairy crown, it fore-tells a royal death; but, if it has long locks of
hair which, as it scintillates, it spreads abroad, it betokens the ruin
of a nation.
In the same year, pope Alexander returned to Rome, and was honorably
received by the people of that city. In this year died Malcolm, king of
the Scots, and was succeeded by his brother William. In this year, also,
Henry, king of the English, crossed over from England into Normandy,
having issued a shocking and execrable edict against pope Alexander and
Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury; the words of which were to the
following effect:
“If any person shall be found carrying letters or a man-date of our lord
the pope, or of the archbishop of Canterbury, containing an interdict of
Christian offices in England, let him be arrested and without delay let
justice be done upon him, as a traitor to the king and the realm.
Moreover, let no clerk, monk, or lay brother of any orders, be permitted
to cross the sea, or to return to England, unless he has a letter from
the justiciaries permitting him to cross over, or a letter from the king
allowing his return. And if any such person shall be found, let him be
arrested and detained. It is also forbidden that any person shall bring
any mandate whatsoever of our lord the pope, or of the archbishop of
Canterbury. And, if any such person shad be found, let him be arrested
and detained. It is also universally forbidden that any per-son shall
appeal to our lord the pope, or to the archbishop of Canterbury, and
that, in future, any mandate of theirs shall be received in England; and
it is ordered that no pleas whatsoever shall be held at their mandate.
And if any per-son shall do anything against this prohibition, let him
be arrested and detained. And further, if any bishop, priest, abbot,
monk, clerk, or layman, shall observe any sentence of interdict, without
delay let him be banished the king-dom, and all his kindred, but they
are to take away none of their chattels with them, but let their
chattels and possessions be seized into the king’s hand. Also, let all
clerks, who have benefices in England, be admonished throughout every
county, within three months after summons, to return to their benefices,
as they wish to retain those benefices and return to England. and if
they shall not return within the period before-mentioned, then let their
chattels and possessions be seized into the king’s hand. also, let the
bishops of London and Norwich be summoned to appear before the king’s
justiciaries, to make redress for having, contrary to the statutes of
the realm, laid an interdict on he lands of earl Hugh, and passed
sentence against him. also, let Saint Peter’s pence be collected and
kept.”
The Address of the Blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to
Henry, king of England, at his Council Held at Chinon.
“With great longing have I longed to see your face, and to converse
with you; much, indeed, on my own account, but more especially on yours.
On my own account that, on seeing your face, you might recall to mind
the services which, in my obedience to you, I have devotedly rendered to
you to the best of my conscience; as God may help me at the last
judgment, when all shall stand before His tribunal to receive according
to what they have done in the body, whether good or whether evil; also,
that I might move you to take compassion upon me, who am obliged to live
on charity among the people of a foreign land; although, by the grace of
God, I still have sufficient provision and in abundance. It is also my
great consolation that the Apostle says, ‘All that will live godly in
Christ shall suffer persecution,’ and the words of the Prophet are, ‘I
have not seen the righteous man forsaken, nor his seed begging bread.’
Again, for your own sake, for these three reasons: because you are my
lord, because you are my king, and because you are my son in the Spirit.
Because you are my lord, I owe and offer to you my counsel, as is due
from every bishop to his lord, in accordance with the honor of God and
of the Holy Church; because you are my king, I am bound to respect and
to admonish you; because you are my son, I am bound by the duties of my
office to chastise and to correct you. For a father corrects his son,
sometimes in kind words and sometimes in harsh, that, by the one means
or the other, he may recall him to do what is right. You ought to
understand that by the grace of God, you are a king for the following
purposes: first, because it is your duty to govern yourself, and to
amend your life with the practice of good manners, in order that by your
example others may be induced to reform their lives, according to the
saying of the wise man, that the world is formed after the example of a
king. In the second place, for encouraging some and punishing others, by
virtue of the power which you have received from the Church with the
sacrament of anointing, and with the sword which, in virtue of your
office, you wield for the destruction of evil-doers to the Church. For
kings are anointed in three places: on the head, on the breast, and on
the arms, thereby signifying glory, knowledge and strength. The kings
who, in ancient times, did not observe the judgments of God, but sinned
against His commandments, were deprived of both glory, knowledge and
strength, both they and their descendants: as examples in proof whereof,
witness Saul, Nebuchadnezzar, Solomon, and many others. But those who,
after their offenses, in contrition of heart humbled themselves before
the Lord, to them was granted more abundantly and more effectually the
grace of God, together with all the blessing above-mentioned: as for
instance, David, Hezekiah, and many others. Christ founded the Church
and gained its liberty with His own blood, by enduring the scourges, the
spitting, the nails, and the straits of death, and thereby left us an
example to follow in His footsteps; wherefore the Apostle says, ‘If we
be dead with him, we shall also live with him. If we suffer we shall
also reign with him.’ The Church of God is composed of two orders – the
clergy and the people. Among the clergy are the Apostles and the
Apostolical men, the bishops and other rulers of the Church, to whom has
been entrusted the care and government of that Church, and who have the
management of ecclesiastical concerns, that they may cause all things to
tend to the salvation of souls. For which reason it was said to Peter,
and in Peter to the other rulers of the Church, ‘Thou art Peter, and
upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not
prevail against it.’ In the number of the people are kings, dukes,
earls, and other potentates, who have the management of secular
business, that they may cause it entirely to tend to the peace and unity
of the Church. And, inasmuch as it is certain that kings receive their
power from the Church, and not it from them, but (with your leave I say
it) from Christ, you ought not to give your commands to bishops to
absolve or to excommunicate any person, to bring the clergy before
secular courts, to pronounce judgment relative to tithes and churches,
to forbid bishops taking cognizance of breaches of faith or vows in such
manner as is here set forth in writing among your customs, which you
style the laws of your grandfather. For the Lord says, ‘Keep my laws’;
and, again, by the mouth of the prophet, ‘Woe unto them that decree
unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have
prescribed; to turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away the
right from the poor of my people. Therefore, let my lord, if so it
pleases him, listen to the counsels of his liege, the advice of his
bishop, and the correction of his father. Let him, for the future, have
no intercourse or communication with schismatics. For it is well known
to almost all the world how duteously and how honorably you received our
lord the pope, how greatly you have cherished and have honored the
Church of Rome, how greatly our lord the pope and the Church of Rome
have loved and honored your person, and, on whatever occasion, in
conformity with the will of God they possibly could, have listened to
your requests. Do not then attempt, my lord, if you wish for the
salvation of your soul, in any way to withdraw from that Church what is
its own, or in any degree to contravene justice in acting towards it;
but rather allow it to enjoy the same freedom in your kingdom which it
is known to enjoy in others. Keep in remembrance also the profession
which you made and placed in writing upon the altar at Westminster, to
preserve its liberties to the Church of God, at the time when, by my
predecessor, you were consecrated and anointed king. Restore, also, the
church of Canterbury, in which you received your promotion and
consecration, to that state and dignity which it enjoyed in the days of
your predecessors and mine. Restore, also, the possessions which belong
to that church, the towns, the castles, the estates, of which you have
made distribution at your will, and replace in full all the things which
have been taken from either me as well as my clerks and laymen.
Likewise, allow me freely and in peace to return to my see, and I am
ready to serve you loyally and duteously, as my most dear lord and king,
in so far as I can, saving always the honor of God and of the Roman
Church and my orders. But if you will not do thus, then know, for a
certainty, that you will feel the severity of God’s vengeance.”
The Letter of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to
Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff.
“To your presence, most holy father, do I fly for refuge; inasmuch as
you have redeemed the liberties of the Church, amid so great hazards to
yourself, understand that that is the sole or the principal cause of the
persecutions to which, following your example, I have been subjected.
For I lamented that the foundations of the Church are being gradually
shaken, and that her rights are being destroyed by the avarice of
princes, and I therefore thought it my duty to meet the malady on its
approach. The more I felt myself bound in duty to my liege lord, to
whom, after God, I owe everything, the more safely did I think I might
oppose his wicked instigators; until they had gained full possession of
the serenity of his favor, and had clouded it against me; from which
time, as is the way among princes, they threw out charges and
accusations, in order thereby to ensure my persecution; on which, I
preferred to be driven away rather than willingly to succumb. To these
evils, this was added, that I was summoned, as though a layman, to
appear before the king and to satisfy him thereon. And still further, in
the quarter to which I looked for support in my resistance, I was
deceived; for I found my brethren, the bishops, at the bidding of the
courtiers, prepared to pronounce judgment against me. Thus, almost
crushed by the multitude of my antagonists, I have taken breath in your
presence, which does not overlook even those who are in extreme need.
Under your protection will I prove, that I ought not to have been
brought for trial before that tribunal, nor yet before those persons.
For what else, my father, would this have been than to rob you of your
rights? What else than to subject the spiritual power to the temporal?
When once made, this precedent could be generally established; and for
that reason, I considered it my duty the more firmly to oppose it,
because a more ready method of doing injury would be introduced, if any
weakness were manifested at the outset. But it will be their remark,
‘The things which are Caesar’s should be rendered unto Caesar; still, if
in many things we must obey the king, we must not obey him on those
points, the result of which would be, that he would not be a king. To do
thus would be to make him not Caesar, but a tyrant; and then they would
have to resist him, not for me, but in their own behalves. For if to him
is reserved the highest possible judgment, when he is all-powerful to
pronounce judgment upon body and life, will there be any last appeal
among man kind when he gives judgment according to his own motives? If
those who have attacked me have taken the side of justice, for what
reason do they censure me? If, on the other hand, I have made my appeal
to him, to whom it is not lawful or excusable to disallow an appeal, the
consequence is, that they must either be accusing me unjustly, or must
have distrust in your justice. For doubly should I be confounded, if
before your Holiness I should be convicted. And do I merit persecution
on the part of those, in behalf of whom I have laid myself open to such
attacks, and should have gained my point, had they only been so inclined
? But badly fares the head, if it is forsaken by the limbs. If too the
eyes were to assume a tongue in opposition to the head, if they were to
be gifted with foresight, they would find that they were contriving evil
against themselves; so likewise have the king’s followers used their aid
against me to ensure their own slavery. What can have been the cause of
hatred so great that, in order to destroy me, they should destroy
themselves? The consequence is, that while they neglect their spiritual
for their temporal duties, they fail in both. And is it the fact that,
while I protested aloud and appealed to your presence, they presumed by
their judgment to condemn their own father? Why, if they have made a
compact to agree with the prince who is so offended at me in relation to
the universal Church, even to you, most holy father, may their suspicion
extend. But they will affirm that they have held with the king by reason
of their duty to their liege; even so, corporeally to him, but
spiritually to me. Whom then, in preference to themselves, ought they to
have held with? Ought they not to have submitted in preference to the
loss of things corporeal rather than spiritual? But to this they may
reply, that this was not a proper time for provoking the prince. How
astutely do they argue to ensure their own slavery! Why, they themselves
encourage it, who give shelter beneath their wings to his excesses; for
if they had not given their sanction, he would have refrained from
acting thus. And on what occasion is constancy more required than during
a time of persecution? Are not his friends proved by the test of
persecution ? If people always succumb, what are they to look for?
Resistance is necessary at times. Look then with condescension, most
holy father, upon my exile and persecutions, and remember that once in
your time I occupied an exalted position, and that for your sake I have
been loaded with injuries. Put forth your severity, and restrain those
at whose instigations this persecution has befallen me; and let not
aught of these things be imputed to my lord the king, who is rather the
instrument, than the author of these machinations.”
The Letter of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to
his suffragan bishops.
“Thomas, by the grace of God, the humble servant of the church of
Canterbury, to his venerable brethren, the bishop of London, and the
other bishops of the whole province of Canterbury; may they so enjoy
temporal blessings, as pot to lose those of eternity. My most
dearly-beloved brethren, wherefore do ye not arise with me against my
enemies? Why do ye not take part with me against those who work
iniquity? Is it that ye are ignorant that the Lord scattereth abroad the
bones of those who please men? They shall be confounded, inasmuch as the
Lord hath despised them. Your discreetness well knows that when the
errors of a man are not opposed, they are approved; and that when truth
is not defended, it is smothered. He, too, who does not hasten to the
reproval of that which ought to be corrected, appears, Saint Gregory
giving his testimony thereto, to encourage him who commits the wrong.
Enough, and even more than enough, have we put up with our lord, the
king of England; and yet, in return, the Church of God has received no
support from him. We hold that it is a thing dangerous and not to be
endured, to leave unpunished for the future, as hitherto, the excessive
outrages committed by him and his officials against the Church of God
and the ministers of that Church and the more especially so inasmuch as
most frequently by letters and messages, and other means, as was our
duty, we have endeavored to recall him from the perverseness of his
course. But since we have been hardly heard by him, much more listened
to, after invoking the grace of the Holy Spirit, we have publicly
condemned, and have made null and void that writing in which are
contained, not those customs, but rather those corruptions by which at
the present time the Church of England is disturbed and put to
confusion, as also the authority of the said writing. All who observe,
or enforce, or counsel, or aid, or defend the same, we do likewise
excommunicate; and all you bishops, by the authority of God and of
ourselves, we do absolve from the promises, by which, against the rules
of the Church, you bound yourselves to the observance thereof For who is
there that can doubt that the priests of Christ are appointed to be the
fathers and masters of kings and princes, and of all the faithful? Is it
not understood to be an act of lamentable madness for the son to attempt
to make his father, or the disciple his master, obedient to him, and by
unrighteous means of compulsion to render him subject to his power? One,
too, whom he believes to have power to bind and to loose him not only on
earth, but even in heaven as well? Therefore, in order that we may not
fall into the commission of this error, we have rendered of no effect,
and have made null and void the authority of that writing, as also the
writing itself, together with all the corruptions that are therein
contained; and more especially the following: ‘Appeal shall not in any
case be made to the Apostolic See, except with the king’s permission. It
shall not be lawful for an archbishop or bishop to depart from the
kingdom, to attend the summons of our lord the pope, without the king’s
permission. It shall not be lawful for a bishop to excommunicate any
person who holds of the king in capite, or to lay an interdict upon any
one of his officers, without the king’s permission. It shall not be
lawful for a bishop to take cognizance of perjury or breach of faith.
The clergy are to be brought before secular tribunals. Laymen, whether
the king or other persons, are to take cognizance of causes as to
churches and tithes, and other enactments to a like effect. We do also
denounce as excommunicated, and have excommunicated by name, the man
called John of Oxford, who has fallen into a damnable heresy, by
tendering an oath to schismatics, through whom a schism that had almost
died out has revived in Germany, as also for communicating with that
most notorious schismatic, Reginald of Cologne; and because, contrary to
the mandate of our lord the pope and of myself, he has taken unlawful
possession of the deanery of the church of Salisbury, a deed which, so
detestable as it is, so contrary to right, so pernicious in its example
to the Church of God, we do make utterly null and void, and do render it
of no effect whatsoever; and it is our command to the bishop of
Salisbury, and the chapter of that church, in virtue of their obedience,
and at the peril of their orders, on seeing this our letter, thenceforth
no longer to hold him as dean thereof. In like manner, we do denounce as
excommunicated, and have excommunicated, Richard de Ivechester, because
he has fallen into the same damnable heresy, by holding communication
with Reginald of Cologne, the schismatic, as also by inventing and
contriving all kinds of mischief with those schismatics and Germans, to
the destruction of the Church of God, and especially of the Church of
Rome, according to the terms agreed upon between our lord the king and
them. We have also excommunicated Richard de Lucy and Jocelyn de Baliol,
who have been the authors and fabricator of these corruptions; also
Ranulph de Broc, who has taken possession of the property of the church
of Canterbury, which by right is a provision for the poor, and withholds
the same and has arrested our men as though they were laymen, and
detains them in his custody. We have also excommunicated Hugh de Saint
Clair and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, who, without either connivance or consent
on our part, have laid hands upon the property and possessions of the
said church of Canterbury All others beside who in future shall lay
violent hands upon the property and possessions of the church of
Canterbury against our will and consent, we have included in the same
sentence of excommunication; according to the words of pope Lucius: ‘All
spoilers of the Church and withholders of he possessions, putting them
away from the threshold of the said mother Church, we do excommunicate,
sentence to damnation and pronounce to be guilty of sacrilege.’ And not
these only but those even who assent thereto, does he comprehend in the
same sentence. The Scripture, also, in one place, tells us the he who
agrees with the sinful, and defends another in his sin shall be accursed
before God and man, and shall be visited with the most severe
afflictions and likewise, that if any one defends another in his sin, he
shall be more severely corrected than he who has committed the sin. As
yet, indeed, we have delayed pronouncing this sentence against the
person of our lord the king, in the hope that perchance, by the
inspiration of the Divine grace, he may recover his senses, still, we
shall very shortly pronounce it, unless he shall make haste so to do.
Therefore, we do command your brotherhood, and by virtue of your
obedience enjoin you, that henceforth you hold the aforesaid men who
have been excommunicated by us as excommunicated, and cause them to be
denounced as such; in obedience to the decree of pope Honorius: ‘Be it
lawful for all bishops to declare the names of those who have been
excommunicated by them both to the neighboring bishops, as well as to
the people of their own diocese, and placing them in a public place
before the doors of the churches, to warn all comers thereby, so that
due diligence may be given to both points, entrance into the churches
may be everywhere denied to those excommunicated, and grounds for
excommunication may be removed from the rest.’ And you, brother, the
bishop of London, we do command, and, by virtue of our authority over
you, enjoin the same, that you will disclose and show this our letter to
the rest of your brethren and to all our brother bishops of our
province. Fare ye well in Christ, and pray continually for us.”
After these things, Henry, king of England, returned from Normandy to
England, and marched with a great army into Wales, where he lost many of
his nobles, barons, and men. He also did justice upon the sons of Rees,
and upon the sons and daughters of his nobles, for he had the eyes of
the male children put out, and cut off the noses and ears of the
females.
1166
In the year 1166, being the twelfth year of the reign of king Henry,
son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry expelled from England,
and from all the lands of his dominions, all the men and women he could
possibly find belonging to the kindred of the blessed Thomas, archbishop
of Canterbury; even infants crying in the cradle, and still hanging at
the mother’s breast, he sent into banishment, that, upon seeing them,
the grief of the above-named archbishop might be increased. What art
thou doing, thou tyrant? What madness is it that hath overcome thee,
that thou shouldst thus drive away from thy kingdom those who have done
thee no injury, and in whose mouths no guile has been found? There is no
reason why the issue of the banished, so long as they observe the laws,
should not live in the city!
When the blessed Thomas beheld them, he was greatly afflicted, and,
sharing in their sorrows, became more than a martyr. “No wonder was it,
then, if his mind, becoming disturbed, melted away, like water dropping
from the snow.” Still, all these sorrows did the man of God endure with
great long-suffering. He had hardly remained two years at the abbey of
Pontigny, with the abbot Gwarine, and the monks who were there in the
service of God, under whose charge he had been placed by Alexander, the
Supreme Pontiff, when the king of England sent word to the above-named
abbot of Pontigny, that if he any longer harbored the archbishop of
Canterbury in his house, he would, in such case, banish all the monks of
his order from England. The consequence of this was, that the blessed
Thomas, of his own accord, departed from that house, in order that so
many houses of the religious might not, on his account, come to ruin.
He, therefore, betook himself to Louis, king of the Franks; by whom he
was hospitably received, and sent to the abbey of Saint Columba, near
the city of Sens.
The Letter of pope Alexander to Henry, king of England.
“Alexander the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to early
beloved son Henry, the illustrious king of England, health and the
Apostolic benediction: Although your great devotion towards us and your
mother the Holy Church seems in some measure to have waxed cool, still,
at no season do we relax our paternal feelings towards you and the
kingdom entrusted to your government. Inasmuch, then, as the stripes of
a friend are better than the kisses of an enemy, your highness ought
diligently to advert thereto, and, seriously giving it your
consideration, observe that as the clergy are distinguished in their
lives habits from the laity, so also are the tribunals of the clergy
bound to be entirely different from the tribunals of the laity.
Wherefore, if you confound the same in an unseemly manner, render
subject to your power that which belongs to Jesus Christ, enact, at your
own goodwill, new laws for the oppression of the churches and of the
poor of Christ, and introduce customs which you style those of your
grandfather, then, without doubt, at the last judgment, which you will
not be able to escape, you yourself will be judged in a similar manner,
‘With the same measure with which you mete, it shall be measured to you
again.’ But, lest our admonitions may appear in some measure tedious or
harsh to the ears of your highness, recollect the words of the
Scripture, that ‘the son whom the father loveth he correcteth,’ knowing
this for certain, that the more ardently we love your person with all
brotherly love in the Lord, and the more frequently and thoughtfully we
recall to mind the marks of your most sincere attachment to us and to
the Church of God, which you formerly so frequently and so bounteously
showed, the more readily do we make these intimations to you, to whom,
with all the yearnings of our heart, we wish spiritual and eternal
welfare. But if the future judgment is in any way to deter you, or if a
crown of glory, as a reward in your eternal rest, has any delights for
you, then does it befit you to worship true justice, which is God; to
concede to every one his rights, and to leave to the ecclesiastics all
ecclesiastical matters, and especially those of a criminal nature, which
arise from breaches of faith or of oaths, and all cases relative to the
property and possessions of churches. In fact, it would neither befit,
nor, indeed, be expedient for your serene highness to confound the
offices of king and priest. For, if the whole of the property of the
Church, which by means of oppression of this nature has been converted
to your use, were to be expended by you in the relief of the poor, or in
other works of piety, you would therein be paying a mark of respect not
more pleasing to God than if, after offering one alms-dish on the altar.
you were to cover up another, or, if you were to crucify Peter, that you
might deliver Paul from peril of death. For you ought to recollect, and
have it as an example on this occasion before your eyes, how king Saul,
who, after he had conquered Amalek, wished, against the commandment of
the Lord, to reserve the spoil, was reproved by the Lord when he made it
his excuse that he had reserved it for sacrifice; and how, while he was
still alive, another man was appointed to the royal honors and
dignities. The sins of the people had raised him to be king, but his own
offenses deprived him of the government of the kingdom. How king Uzziah,
also, when he attempted to sacrifice and to usurp the office of priest,
was, as a worthy punishment, smitten with leprosy, it would be for your
wellbeing to recall to mind. If, however, you shall ascribe your
successes to your might and prowess, and not to God, beyond a doubt He
who has set you over others, and made you a great prince in the world,
for the governance of the faithful, and not for their oppression, will,
with rebuke, require of you the talents which have been entrusted to
you; and, as we read of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, who, for his
father’s sins, was driven from his kingdom, so will God visit the sips
of the father upon the children. Do you, then, give no heed to the evil
suggestions of any person, nor incline your ear to those who are always
whispering mischief, but diligently attend to those things which concern
your salvation. Wherefore, make it your endeavor to govern to the honor
of God and the peace and tranquility of the Church, for which alone you
have received the government of your kingdom, and study to rule it to
the best of the power that God has given you, to the end that God may
preserve for you your temporal kingdom, and, after that, may give you
one to endure world without end.”
The letter of pope Alexander to Gilbert, bishop of London, in
behalf of the blessed Thomas.
“Alexander the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his
venerable brother Gilbert, bishop of London, health and the Apostolic
benediction. Inasmuch as, in relation to the matters which we have
enjoined to your brotherhood, you have shown efficient zeal and
diligence, and have made it your care faithfully to solicit and advise
our most dearly beloved son in Christ, Henry, the illustrious king of
England, upon the increase and exaltation of the Church and of
ourselves, we deem it every way pleasing and acceptable, and, returning
you most abundant thanks for the same, with extreme praises, do commend
your prudent anxiety in the same unto the Lord. And, inasmuch as we do
love the said king and illustrious prince with the greatest affection,
as a most truly beloved son, so both through you and through our
venerable brethren, the archbishop of Rouen and the bishop of Hereford,
as also through our most dearly beloved daughter in Christ, his mother,
the former illustrious empress of the Romans, have we often and often,
in divers ways, tried to induce and encourage him to observe his duty to
the Church. Wherefore, we do rejoice and exult in the Lord at the
dutifulness of the said king, of which in your letter you have informed
us. But, inasmuch as we wish him to continue in his duty to the Church
of God and to ourselves, as from the beginning he has been wont to do,
we do ask of your brotherhood, enjoin, and command that, anxiously and
diligently, you will often and often advise him, both yourself and by
others, and exhort him by all means, and prevail upon him, after his
usual manner, to use his best endeavors for the honor and exaltation of
the said Church, and manfully to support and maintain and defend her
cause. Let him, also, love and honor the churches and ecclesiastical
persons, and preserve their rights. Our venerable brother, also, the
archbishop of Canterbury, let him receive again into his love and favor.
And we, if he shall continue to pay to Saint Peter and to ourselves that
honor and respect which he has begun to do, will love him with sincere
affection, and will use our endeavors in every way, as will be our duty,
for the exultation of himself and the preservation of the kingdom
entrusted to him. And, indeed, we would prefer to outdo him in patience
and long-suffering, so long as we can possibly endure so to do, rather
than cause him vexation in any way. Given this Wednesday, the eleventh
day before the calends of September.”
The Letter of Gilbert, bishop of London, to pope Alexander upon
the answer of the King on the business of the archbishop of Canterbury.
“To his father and lord, Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff, the brother
Gilbert, servant of the church of London, the debt of sincere affection
and the service of humble obedience. Your mandate, dearest father in
Christ, has been received by us with due veneration, immediately on
which, we presented ourselves before your son, and our dearest lord, the
illustrious king of the English, who is now at the bead of his army in
the French territory; and, in conjunction with our venerable brother,
the bishop of Hereford, we diligently and carefully admonished him
according to the tenor of your mandate. We set before his eyes all the
particulars of your letter, and, beseeching him and expostulating with
him as far as was becoming towards his royal majesty, we constantly and
incessantly exhorted him that he would satisfy us as to his purposes,
and that, if he had in any way departed from the paths of
reasonableness, he would not delay, at your admonition, through us, to
return to the ways of truth and justice; that, following the pious
admonition of his father, he would desist from all evil actions, would
love God with purity of heart, and would regard with his usual
veneration his holy mother, the Roman Church; that he would neither
impede those who wished to visit her, nor prevent appeals being made to
her; that benignly recalling and restoring our brother, the lord
archbishop of Canterbury, to his see, he would remain firm and immovable
in his reverence for Saint Peter and yourself, and that, giving his
entire attention to works of piety, he would not oppress either the
churches or ecclesiastical persons in his realm or in his territories,
nor yet allow them to be oppressed by his means or those of another;
but, on the contrary, diligently preserve them under his royal
protection, to the end that He, through whom kings reign, might preserve
for him his temporal kingdom while on earth, and bestow on him an
eternal one in heaven: that otherwise, if he would not listen to those
wholesome counsels, your Holiness, who has hitherto patiently borne with
him, could no longer bear with him in your long-suffering. We further
added, that we greatly feared for him, that if he did not correct his
faults, he would before long incur the wrath of Almighty God; so much
so, that his kingdom would not be of long continuance, nor his family
allowed to prosper; but that He who had exalted him when humble, would
now, when exalted, hurl him down with a heavy fall from the summit of
the throne. On this, he received your admonition with much thankfulness
and with much forbearance, and with great meekness made answer to each
part of it in order. In the first place, he asserted that his feelings
were in no way estranged from you, and that he had never had in his mind
any other intentions, provided you showed a paternal solicitude towards
him, than to love you as his father, to support and cherish the Holy
Church of Rome as his mother, and humbly to obey and follow your holy
commands, saving always the dignity of himself and of his kingdom. But
that, if for some time past he has not looked upon you with reverence,
he asserts that the following is the reason for the same: that although
he maintained your cause in your need, with all his heart, with all his
soul, and with all his strength, your Holiness did not return him the
like, according to his deserts, in his time of need, when he had
recourse to you through his envoys; but he complains, and feels ashamed
to say, that in almost every request he has made of you, he has met with
a repulse. Trusting, however, in a father’s love, which, when it shall
think fit, will listen to his son, hoping for and expecting a more
cheerful countenance, he remains firm and constant, as we have already
said, in his attachment to Saint Peter and to yourself. For this reason
it is that he will not attempt to prevent any one who may wish to visit
your Holiness, and neither, as he affirms, has he hitherto prevented
them. As regards the question of appeals, by the ancient institutions of
his realm, he claims it as his privilege and duty that no clerk shall go
out of his kingdom for any civil suit, unless he has first made trial
whether by the king’s own authority and mandate he can obtain justice.
But if he shall be unable to obtain this, then, the king making no
opposition whatsoever thereto, any person whatsoever shall be at liberty
to appeal to your excellency, whenever he shall think fit. And if upon
this point your rights or dignities have been in any way prejudiced, he
promises that he will speedily correct the same, with the help of God,
in a synod of all the clergy of his dominions. As regards the emperor,
although the king knew him to be a schismatic, still until this day he
has never heard that you had excommunicated him. But if on our
information he shall come to know that such is the case, if he has
entered into any unlawful compact with him or with any other person,
this he also promises he will have similarly corrected by the judgment
and counsel of the Church of his realm. The king also asserts that he
has by no means expelled our father, the lord archbishop of Canterbury,
from his kingdom, as he has left it entirely of his own accord, so when
he shall have a mind so to do, he will be entirely at liberty with his
entire sanction to return to his church. Provided always, that while he
receives satisfaction on those points upon which he makes complaint, he
shall be willing that the royal privileges should be faithfully observed
to which he has been sworn. And, if any church or ecclesiastical person
shall make proof that they have been wronged by him or his people, he
will be prepared to make full compensation, according to the judgment of
the whole Church. This is the answer which we have received from our
lord the king, although we could have wished that we had received
something more entirely according to your wishes. This answer, however,
we have determined upon notifying to your highness, that from his reply
your wisdom might be enabled to form a judgment how to put an end to
these matters. But our lord, the king, seems in especial to justify his
cause, upon the fact that on all the points which have been mentioned,
he will abide by the judgment and counsel of the Church in his
dominions; and he promises that he will in nowise prevent the return of
our father, the lord archbishop of Canterbury, as we have previously
mentioned. Wherefore we have thought proper to supplicate your
excellency, keeping this always before our eyes, ‘A bruised reed shalt
thou not break, and the smoking flax shalt thou not quench.’ Moderate
for a time, if so it please you, within the bounds of discretion that
zeal which is kindled by the flames of the Divine Spirit to avenge each
injury done to the Church of God; lest by pronouncing an interdict or
the extreme sentence of excommunication, you may have to lament that
numberless churches are subverted, and so, which God forbid, irrevocably
alienate from your allegiance both the king himself, and numberless
people with him. :For it is as good for the limb to be joined to the
head, even though wounded, as to be cast away from the body when cut
off. For wounded limbs return to a state of healthfulness. whereas, when
once cut off, they have great difficulty in adhering to the body. To cut
off a limb, is to entail desperation; whereas the cautious treatment of
the surgeon will very frequently heal the wound. Wherefore. it so it
please you, it were better that, at the present moment, you should use
your endeavors in healing the wound, it any such there is, than that, by
cutting off the most noble portion of the Church of God, you should
bring to utter confusion that which, for this long time past, has been
in a state of confusion beyond what can possibly be expressed. For, that
as yet your words have not taken their full effect, or have been
entirely appreciated. Is then the Divine grace to be despaired of? At an
acceptable time, they may both have their full effect, and be entirely
appreciated. Is the hand of God so shortened, that it cannot save? Or is
his ear stopped, so that it cannot hear? Those words are swift in their
course: God, when he wills it, with a high hand works changes in all
things, and gives unhoped-for accomplishment to the prayers of his
Saints. Royal blood, then only knows how to be overcome when it has been
successful; nor is it ashamed to yield when it has gained the victory.
By kindness is it to be mollified, by advice and long-suffering is it to
be overcome. But what if this long-suffering, when manifested, or needed
for a time to be manifested, causes some loss of temporal possessions?
Is there nothing to be rescued from the wreck when the fate of
multitudes is threatened? Are not many things needed to be thrown into
the deep when the confusion of land, sea, and waves is threatening
destruction? Foolishly, but still in charity, do we address you in no
fictitious language. If this should be the termination of the matter,
that, losing everything, the lord archbishop of Canterbury should submit
to continual exile, and, which God forbid, England should no longer obey
your commands, it would have been much better patiently to have endured
this for a time, than with such zeal to have insisted upon acting with
severity. For, suppose that your vengeance shall not be able to separate
still more of us from our obedience to you – still, there will not be
wanting some to bow the knee to Baal, and without regard to religion and
justice, to receive the pall of Canterbury at the hands of their idol.
Nor will there be wanting persons to occupy our sees, and, seated in our
seats, to show him obedience with all feelings of duty. Many are already
prognosticating such things, hoping that offenses may arise, and that
the straight may be made crooked. Wherefore, father, we do not mourn or
lament our own misfortunes; but unless you meet these evils, we see that
a shocking subversion of the Church of God is threatened, and that,
becoming weary of our lives, we may curse the day on which we were born
to behold such a sight as this. Beloved father in Christ, may Almighty
God preserve you in safety for long to come.’
The Letter of the blessed Thomas to King Henry.
“To his most revered lord, Henry, by the grace of God, the
illustrious king of the English, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and
earl of Anjou, Thomas, by the same grace the humble servant of the
church of Canterbury, health and best prayers for his prosperity in all
things. To speak concerning God stands in need of a mind utterly free
and unbiased; upon this subject it is that I address my lord, and, I
trust, with peace towards all men. I beseech you, my lord, that, with
patience of mind, you will endure some little advice, which, by the
grace of God, which is never ineffectual, will contribute to the
salvation of your soul and to my acquittal. Difficulties beset me on
every side; even tribulation and difficulties have come upon me, who am
placed between two most grave and fearful alternatives. When I say
between two most fearful alternatives, I mean a dangerous silence on the
one hand, and admonition of you on the other. If, on the one hand, I am
silent, it will be death to me, and I shall not escape the hands of the
Lord, who says, ‘If thou cost not warn the wicked from his wicked way,
and he shall die in his iniquity, his blood He will require at your
hands.’ If, on the other hand, I admonish you I fear, which God forbid,
that I shall not escape the wrath of my lord. And I trust that it may
not befall me, according to what the wise man says, that when a person
sends to intercede or to admonish a person who is not pleased thereat,
it is to be feared lest, becoming angered, his mind may be provoked to
do what is worse. What, then, am I to do? Am I to speak, or am I to be
silent? In either alternative there is danger, no doubt. But inasmuch as
it is safer to fall under the indignation of men than into the hands of
the living God, trusting in the mercy of the Most High, in whose hands
are the hearts of kings, and who will induce them as He shall think fit
(and I trust that He will, to take the better part), I will speak to my
lord, inasmuch as I have once begun so to do. For often are good things
provided for those who are unwilling, and especially when the safety
more than the will is consulted. In your land is kept in captivity the
daughter of Sion, the spouse of a great king, oppressed by many,
insulted by those who long have hated her, and by whom she ought rather
to be honored than addicted, and in especial by you. Keeping, therefore,
in your recollection each of those blessings which God has bestowed upon
you in the beginning of your reign, in the middle thereof, and almost
unto the present moment, do you release her, and allow her to reign
jointly with her husband, to the end that God may bless you, and that
your kingdom may forthwith begin to recover its strength, and this
reproach be taken away from your generation, and that unbroken peace may
reign in your days. Believe me, most serene prince, my much loved lord,
the Almighty is slow in retribution, long-suffering in His patience, but
most severe in His vengeance. Hear me, and do that which is right. But,
if otherwise, it is greatly to be feared that (and I trust that so it
may not be) He will gird His sword upon His thigh, and will come in His
might and with a strong hand, armed with many woes, to set free His
spouse, and that not without heavy oppressions and servitude, attended
by tribulation. But if you listen to me, then the Lord will of necessity
be sensible forthwith of your duteousness as acting the part of a
valiant soldier on His side, and in such case He will bless you, and
will add glory unto your glory, even unto the issue of your sons and of
your daughters, down to distant times. But if otherwise, I fear, and may
God avert it from you, that the sword will not depart from your house,
until the Most High shall have come and avenged the injuries done to Him
and His; just as it did not depart from the house of Solomon, although
God had made choice of him, and had conferred upon him such great
wisdom, and such an enjoyment of peacefulness, that it was said by all,
‘This is the son of wisdom and of peace;’ yet, inasmuch as he departed
from the path of the Lord, and proceeded from wickedness to wickedness,
God divided asunder his kingdom, and gave it unto his servant; and, in
especial, because, after the commission of his sin, he did not instantly
seek to appease the Lord, as his father David had done, who immediately
after his offense humbled himself before the Lord, corrected his fault,
sought for mercy, and obtained pardon; and would that, with the grace of
God, you would do the like. These words I write unto you at present, the
rest I have placed in the mouth of him who bears these presents, a pious
man, one of great credit, and, as I believe, a faithful servant of
yours. In them, I pray that so it may please you to place full belief;
still in preference, with your favor, I could wish to enjoy the
condescension of an interview with you. Once and always to my lord,
farewell!”
The Letter of the blessed Thomas to Robert bishop of Hereford.
“Thomas, by the grace of God, the humble servant of the church of
Canterbury, to his venerable brother Robert, by the same grace, bishop
of Hereford, health and blessings in all things. If so it is that my
letters have caused anxiety in your brotherhood, would that it were the
case that I had not found you slothful in feeling, and not watchful in
the due performance of the duties of the office you have undertaken. I
have chosen to be cast out and to become accurse on behalf of you all, a
reproach before men and a scorn before the people, that I might not
behold the evils of the holy ones, and keep silence upon the injuries
done to my nation; and anxiously did I wish that perchance some one of
you in his zeal for the law of God, and his love of the liberties of the
Church, would follow and come after me, that so we might not give horns
to the sinful. And behold! you, whom I believed to be given unto me by
the Lord, that with me you might build, and weed, and plant, are
suggesting encouragement amid ruin, and solace in despair inasmuch as
you are preaching humility, nay, even abject submission, and ale
announcing tidings of good, while, on every side, confusion prevails, to
the injury of God and of the clergy: and this, at the moment when you
ought to be strengthening the constancy of my mind amid its vacillation,
and, with me, sustaining the attack, in order to defend our inheritance
of the cross and repel and crush the enemies of the church, to be
suggesting counsel to my ears, to be breathing fresh life into my
spirit, to the end that I might entreat with the more firmness, that I
might argue with the greater cogency, and rebuke with the greater
severity. And, if they should refuse to hear me, then, undoubtedly,
ought you to have exclaimed ‘Why dost thou sleep? Unsheathe the sword
of Saint Peter, avenge the blood of the servants of Christ that has been
shed, the injuries of the Church which are being daily committed against
us and ours.’ Has it entirely escaped your memory with what injuries I
have been afflicted, with what insults persecuted, when, in my own
person, against all authority and against all semblance of right, Christ
was brought to be judged before a lay tribunal? Still, I will not recall
to your mind the injury done to my own person but to the Church.
Consider with thoughtfulness, and deeply reflect upon it in your mind,
what was done before my departure, what was being done at my departure,
what has been done since, what, in fact, is being done every day in your
country, in relation to the Church of God and its servants. With what
conscience can you possibly conceal these things from yourself; you, of
whom hopes were entertained that you would be the redeemer of Israel,
the liberator of the Church from bondage? And, now, because you have so
long held your peace, I am always in affliction for you, my own begotten
son, lest he should come after you who shall take away your birthright,
and shall deprive you, which may God forbid, of the blessing of the
first-born. But, though even thus far you have held your peace, resume
your might (my most dearly-beloved son) and cry aloud - it is your duty
so to do - lift up your voice against them, inspire them with fear,
awaken their contrition, banish their self-satisfaction, that so the
anger of God may not descend upon them, and the whole people perish ; or
even, which may God forbid, the rulers with the people. For, even now,
Divine vengeance is at the gates. These things do I write unto you, not
for your confusion, but to put you on your guard; to the end that,
relying upon the authority of God and of myself, for the future you may
be strengthened and may be willing more manfully and more boldly to
perform the duties of your office. This one thing in especial I wish you
to be assured of, with the mercy of God, confusion to his Church shall
not be extorted from me. In addition to what I have said, I give you
thanks for this, that even now you have visited me, and have comforted
me with your solaces. Further, there is one thing which I am not able to
endure without the greatest bitterness of soul - verily, I weep for my
most beloved lord the king. For fear and trembling have come upon me,
and the shades have overwhelmed me, since I have seen that tribulation
and difficulties are threatening my lord the king. And no wonder. For he
has vexed the Church of God, and has put her to confusion, and has made
hard- ships the lot of his clergy, giving them the wine of sorrow to
drink. Therefore, thus saith the Lord to him ‘Where now, simple man, are
the wise counsellors who used to say to thee, ‘Thou art the son of the
wise, the son of ancient kings, whose customs must be observed
throughout England; which if a person shall not observe, he is not a
friend to Caesar, but an enemy to the crown, a criminal at the
judgment-seat.’ But, assuredly, that person is rather the friend of the
cross of Christ; for, ‘Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees,
and that write grievousness which they have prescribed, to turn aside
the needy from judgment, and. take away the right of the poor of my
people,” that churches and widows may be their prey, and that they may
plunder the possessions of certain of the clergy. What shall these
persons do on the day of visitation and of calamity that approacheth
from afar? To whose aid will they fly for refuge, and lay aside their
vaingloriousness, that they may not be bowed down under judgment, and
fall with the slain? Where, now, are his wise men? Let them come forth,
and let them disclose to him and say what the Lord of Hosts has
determined as to England. His wise men are become fools, and his nobles
have come to nought; they have deceived England, and into the midst of
the people of England its lord has introduced a feeling of stupefaction.
By their deeds they have made England to go astray, even as a drunken
man goes astray, vomiting and staggering; and for England help there
will be none. Who shall know the beginning or end hereof? For they have
devoured Jacob, and have laid waste his dwelling-place, and have said,
‘Let us take possession of the holy place of God,’ and have reviled the
priests and their chief men, saying, ‘Whither will ye fly for refuge
from our hands, or in whom do ye put your trust? Why have ye fled, and
proved disobedient to our commands?’ Oh, how empty are these thoughts!
how shame” these deeds in the sight of the Lord, who beholds how vain
they are! For He will laugh to scorn him who thinks thus, when He shall
see him acting thus; because His day is near at hand, even now He is at
the gates, and will say, ‘Behold the men who have not placed reliance in
their God, but have put their trust in the multitude of their riches,
and have waxed strong in their vanity!” But it is in vain that they do
thus; the Lord will not leave His church, nor His clergy, without a
defender, without the heaviest vengeance. For it has been founded upon a
firm rock; and that rock is Christ, who has founded it with his own
blood. Assuredly, if they do not make amends herein, they will not
escape with impunity, inasmuch as they have trodden under foot the Holy
of Holies, the house of God, and have afilicted His priests with
injuries and abusive words. These are those to whom the Lord himself has
said, “I have said, ye are gods; and all of you are children of the Most
High;’ and also, in another place, ‘He that hateth you, hateth me, and
he that despiseth you despiseth me; and he that toucheth you, toucheth
the apple of my eye.” Let them then return to their senses; let them
avert evil from themselves; let them with the greatest humility show
repentance. But if they do not, then it is to be feared, and, oh may it
be averted! that the lord will speedily come, and will bring upon them
and their land great tribulation and the most heavy vengeance of His
retribution. Behold! our Lord shall come and shall not delay, and He
shall save us; inasmuch as He will never forsake those who put their
trust in Him. For the prophet saith, “Trust in the Lord, and do good,
slid thou shalt be fed upon his riches;” and, again, ‘Wait on the Lord,
be of good courage, and he shall strengthen thine heart;” and “put your
trust in the Lord, and He shall soon deliver thee from the snare of the
fowler, and from the noisome pestilence.’ And, that I may end all that I
have said herein with a becoming conclusion, inasmuch as the Lord has
shown what and how great things we ought to endure for His name and in
the defense of His Church, I hold it necessary for you to pray, both you
and the whole Church entrusted to your charge, continually for u; to the
end that, what through our own merits we are unable to endure, by your
intercession and that of the holy men who are subject to you, we may be
enabled to endure, and that thereby we may deserve to obtain everlasting
grace. Farewell, and be comforted; farewell, likewise, to the whole of
the Church of England, and may she be comforted in the Lord, that so we
likewise may fare well.”
In the same year Henry, king of England, after his return from Wales,
crossed over from England into Normandy, whither he was followed by
William, king of the Scots.
1167
In the year of grace 1167, being the thirteenth year of the reign of
king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said Matilda, formerly
empress of the Romans, and mother of the above-named king, departed this
life, and was buried at Rouen, at the abbey called Saint Mary de Pratis.
In the same year, Frederick, emperor of the Romans, went to Rome, and by
violence and with an armed band, thrust Guido of Crema, the antipope and
schismatic, into the Apostolic See. On his departure, a deadly plague
immediately broke out among his people, and Reginald, the archbishop
elect of Cologne, who was the head of the whole schism, perished on the
Alps; in order that his hones might be separated from the flesh and
taken to Cologne, the whole of his body was boiled in water.
The Letter of the blessed Thomas, the archbishop, to Pope
Alexander.
“To his most loving father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God,
Supreme Pontiff, Thomas, the humble servant of the church of Canterbury,
due and dutiful obedience. I have endured enough and more than enough,
most loving father, while waiting for the reformation of the king of
England, and yet have gathered no fruits whatever of my long suffering;
but, on the contrary, while unthinkingly submitting thereto, I have
incurred the loss and utter destruction of the authority and liberties
of the Church of God. I have often-times by messengers, religious and
fitting men, called upon him, and have frequently invited him to make
due satisfaction; as also by letters, the copies whereof I have sent
unto you. I have announced to him the Divine wrath and vengeance, if he
fails to come to his proper senses; whereas he more and more persists in
his evil courses, treading under foot and depressing the Church of God;
both persecuting myself personally and those who are in banishment with
me, so far as even to attempt to deprive me, by threats and menaces, of
the kindnesses of the servants of God, who for the sake God and of
yourself provide us with food. For he has written to the abbot of the
Cistercians, that as he loves those abbeys of his order which are in his
power, so must he withhold from us all services and attentions on part
of his order. But why enlarge? For, notwithstanding my long suffering,
to that degree has the harshness of the king and his officers proceeded,
that even if any number of religious men whatsoever were to inform you
thereupon, even upon oath, I should be much surprised if even then your
Holiness would give any belief to their assertions. Reflecting,
therefore, upon these things with great anxiety of mind, and the danger
ensuing therefrom, both to the king and to yourself, I have publicly
condemned these pernicious, I will not say customs, but perversions or
corruptions, by which the Church of England is disturbed and confounded,
together with the writing and the authority of the writing by which they
were confirmed; as also the observers, enforcers, and defenders of the
same. I have also in general terms excommunicated his abettors,
advisers, and coadjutors, whosoever they may chance to be, whether
clergy or laity, and have absolved my bishops from the oath by which
they have been violently forced to the observance of the said customs.
But these are the points which, in this writing, I have especially
condemned. “Appeal shall not in any case be made to the Apostolic See,
except with the king’s permission. It is not lawful for a bishop to take
cognizance of perjury or breach of faith. It is not lawful for a bishop
to excommunicate any person who holds aught of the king in capite, or
his lands, or to lay an interdict upon any one of his officers without
the king’s permission. Clerks, or those of the religious orders, are to
be brought before secular tribunals; laymen, whether the king or other
persons, are to take cognizance of causes as to churches pr tithes. It
is not lawful for an archbishop or bishop to depart from the kingdom, to
attend the summons of our lord the pope, without the king’s permission;
and other enactments to a like effect. By name also I have
excommunicated John of Oxford, who has held communion with that
schismatic and excommunicated person, Reginald of Cologne; and who,
contrary to the mandate of our lord the pope, and of ourselves, has
taken unlawful possession of the deanery of the church of Salisbury,
and, at the court of the emperor, has administered the oath for the
supporting of that schism. In like manner also, I have denounced and
excommunicated Richard of Ivechester, because he has fallen into the
same damnable heresy, by holding communication with that most notorious
schismatic at Cologne, and inventing and contriving all kinds of
mischief, with those schismatics and Germans, to the destruction of the
Church of God, and more especially of the Church of Rome, according to
the treaties agreed upon between the king of England and them, and
Richard de Lucy and Jocelyn de Baliol, who have been the encouragers of
the royal tyranny, and the fabricators of these heretical corruptions. I
have also excommunicated Ranulph de Broc, Hugh de Saint Clair, and
Thomas Fitz-Bernard, who, without, our license and consent, have seized
the property and possessions of the church of Canterbury. I have
excommunicated all besides who, contrary to our will and assent, have
laid hands upon the property and possessions of the church of
Canterbury. The king, however, I have not as yet personally
excommunicated, being still in expectation of his reformation; him,
however, I shall not delay to excommunicate, if he does not speedily
recover his senses, and submit to discipline for what he has done. To
the end, therefore, most holy father, that the authority of the
Apostolic See, and the liberties of the Church of God, which in our
country have almost perished, may be, enabled to be in some measure
restored, it is necessary, and in every way expedient, that you should
entirely ratify, and by your letters confirm, what I have done.
Farewell, and may your Holiness enjoy all happiness.”
The Letter of Pope Alexander to Henry, king of England.
The bishop Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to his beloved
son, Henry, the illustrious king of the English, health and the
Apostolic benediction. With what paternal and kindly feelings we have
often convened your royal excellence, and have frequently exhorted you,
both by letters and our nuncios, to become reconciled to our venerable
brother Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, and to restore to him and his
clerks their churches, with the other things which you have taken from
them, the prudence of your highness is by no means unaware, inasmuch as
it is public and notorious to nearly the whole of Christendom.
Wherefore, seeing that we have hitherto been able to make but little
progress in this matter, or by kind and gentle conduct to soothe the
emotions of your mind, we are rendered sad and sorrowful, and grieve
that we are disappointed in our hopes and expectations; particularly as
we love you sincerely as our most dearly-beloved son in the Lord, and we
see this great danger threatening you; and inasmuch as it is written,
‘Cry aloud, and spare not; lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and show my
people their transgression;’ and likewise, ‘If thou cost not warn the
wicked from his way, his blood will I require at thy hand;’ and by
Jeremiah, the slothful man was ordered to be stoned with the dung of
oxen. We have determined no longer to bear your hardness of heart as
heretofore, to the detriment of justice and your own salvation; nor will
we for the future close the mouth of the said archbishop in any way, or
prevent him from freely doing his duty, and avenging with the sword of
ecclesiastical severity the wrongs which have been done to himself and
to the Church entrusted to his charge. Now, as to the points which are
contained in this letter relative to the matters before mentioned, as
also others of less importance, our well-beloved brother, the prior of
Mont-Dieu, and the brother Bernard de Corilo, men who indeed pay more
respect to God than to kings, will in words further explain to your
highness. May He, to pay obedience to whose admonitions is to reign, and
in whose hands are the hearts of princes, incline your mind and will,
that so you may be prevailed upon rather, than, against God and your
salvation, persist any longer in so determined a course of obstinacy.
But if even now you shall refuse to hearken to the proposals which they
shall make to you in my behalf, then without doubt you will have
occasion to fear what is to ensue, and to dread the Divine vengeance in
the world to come.”
The Letter of the blessed Thomas, the Archbishop of Canterbury,
to Gilbert, Bishop of London.
“Thomas, the humble minister of the church of Canterbury, to Gilbert,
bishop of London, may he, now as always, so pass through good things
temporal as not to lose those eternal. It is a cause for wonder, indeed,
for extreme astonishment, that a man of prudence, well versed in Holy
Scripture, and especially wearing the appearance of religion, should,
laying aside the fear of God, so manifestly, not to say irreverently,
set himself against truth, oppose justice, and, to the utter confusion
of all light and wrong, seek to overthrow the establishment of the Holy
Church, which the Most High hath founded. For it is the Truth which
says, ‘the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.’ He is generally
supposed not to be of sane mind who intends the ruin thereof, and is
like a man who binds a rope around a vast mountain, and attempts to
throw it down. But is it because I am inflamed with anger or with
hatred, that, in my exasperation, I am driven to utter words of this
nature against my brother, and colleague, and fellow-bishop? God forbid!
But to the above effect have I collected from your letter, which I
received through your archdeacon; nor was I enabled thereby to gather
grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles. That it may be clear whether or
not it is so, let us examine it, and bring its contents to the light.
The end, when compared with the beginning, presents a very strong
resemblance to a scorpion. The one approaches us, using smooth and
gentle language, the other, stinging us severely, attempts to impose
silence upon us. For, what else is it, first to acknowledge your dutiful
subjection to us, and to promise obedience in conformity with that
subjection, and then, in the end, to have recourse to appeal, in order
that you may not be obliged to obey? The Apostle says, ‘Do I purpose
that with me there should be yea, yea, and nay, nay?’ As the Apostles
could not always be with the disciple, of necessity did the disciples
receive power from the Lord of treading upon serpents and scorpions; for
even unto this day Ezekiel is dwelling with the scorpions. And now
consider in what sense you say, ‘We do have recourse to the remedy of
appeal?’ You call yourself a follower of Christ; in this speech you are
found to be far otherwise. For the efficacious, nay, rather the most
efficacious remedy of all our evils, namely, Christ, has recommended to
us obedience, not only in word, but by His most evident example,
inasmuch as He became obedient to His Father even unto death. And with
what grace do you call that a remedy which is an impediment to
obedience? Not a remedy, indeed, but, more properly, a hindrance ought
it to be called. But on what grounds do you rest your confidence in this
presumption? Is it that you expect to find a defender of your
disobedience in him who has received the office and the command to take
cognizance of all acts of disobedience? It were wrong in you to expect
this of him, and greatly to be in him. You might have been withheld from
a supposition of that kind by the first and second repulses you have
already experienced. For, in the first place, you appeared personally;
after which, the letter which you wrote for the purpose of persuading
him experienced how firmly stands the vicar of Saint Peter, and with
what truthfulness, when, neither by prayers, nor by gifts, nor by
suggestions, nor by promises, could you move him. But a third attempt
must be made, that, after the example of his lord, he may, on a third
attempt, come off triumphant. Besides, that no annoyance may be wanting,
you have put off the time for your appeal nearly a whole year. You have
had no compassion on my exile or on the difficulties of the Holy Church,
the spouse of Christ, whom He has obtained with His own blood. Besides,
to pass this over, which, indeed, I ought not to do, it was your duty to
use some foresight in his behalf, to whom you assert yourself to be a
well-wisher, I mean our lord the king, who, so long as he behaves thus
towards us, or the Church of Christ, will be able neither to go to war,
nor to live in peace, without danger to his soul. Let us now pass on to
the rest. You mention that some confusion arose on my departure, and in
consequence of my departure. Let the authors and contrivers of this
confusion be afraid, lest they also be brought to confusion. You extol
me with great praises, as to the good purpose of my journey, and indeed
it is the duty of a prudent man not to be neglectful of his character;
but still, it is the part of a discreet one, in relation to himself, not
to believe another rather than himself. I am accused as though I had
done certain injuries to my lord the king; but inasmuch as you do not
mention one of them by name, I do not even know what it is I am to make
answer to; therefore, as I am only charged in a superficial manner on
that point, in a superficial manner only shall I defend myself In the
meanwhile, however, take this for, my answer - because I am conscious of
having done nothing wrong, for that treason I have not justified myself.
You express surprise at the letter of warning which I sent him. What
father sees his son going astray and holds his peace? What person is
there that does not smite another with the rod, that he may not run upon
the sword? The father despairs of the son whom he does not correct with
threats or the scourge. However, God forbid that I should think as you
do. that our lord. growing impatient under correction, will by degrees
proceed to the extermination of the seceders! For the plantation of our
heavenly Father will not be rooted up. A most violent tempest is now
tossing the ship; I have hold of the helm, and do you invite me to
sleep? Do you collect and place before my eves the benefits that have
been conferred upon me by our lord the king, and speak of my being
elevated from a lowly state to the highest position? Still, in my
simplicity, to give you some small answer, what lowly state is it you
are thinking of? If you look at the time at which he placed me high in
his service, there were the archdeaconry of Canterbury, the priorship of
Beverley, many benefices, several prebendal stalls, with other things,
not a few, which, at that period attached to my name, go far to disprove
that I was in such a low position as you affirm, with relation to the
things of this world. And if you look at the origin of my family and my
ancestors, they were citizens of London, who dwelt in the midst of the
ir fellow-citizens without reproach, and persons by no means of the
lowest station. But as, one day, when the darkness of the world is
removed, we shall be judged by the light of truth, which will be the
most glorious, to have been born of humble parents, or even those of the
lowest rank, or of the great and honored ones of the world? For the
Apostle says: ‘Those members of the body, which we think to be less
honorable, upon those we bestow more abundant honor.’ ‘What do
pedigrees avail?’ says the heathen poet. What then ought a learned and
religious Christian bishop to say? But perhaps, by your mention of my
lowly condition, it was your intention to put me somewhat to confusion;
however, how criminal it is to put one’s father to confusion, you
yourself will see from the commandment of the Lord, which you have
received as to honoring your father. But, as for commending the king’s
favor to me, there was no great need to take the trouble of
recapitulating his services done to me. For I call the Lord as my
witness that nothing under the sun do I prefer to his favor and safety,
save only those things which belong to God and to the Holy Church; for
otherwise it will not be possible for hire to reign with happiness or
with safety. As it is, so be it. There are many other favors, and still
greater ones, than are mentioned in your letter, which I have received
at his hands. In return for all these, even if they were to be doubled,
ought I to peril the liberties of the Church of God, much less for the
preservation of my own character, which has so frequently swerved from
what is right? If I have acted with greater forbearance towards others,
in this I will spare neither you, nor any one else, not even an angel,
if he were to acme down from heaven, but the instant I should hear him
suggesting such a course, he should hear from me these words, ‘Get thee
behind me, Satan, thou savourest not the things that are of God!”’ Far
from me be such madness as that! May the Lord avert such insanity from
me, that any one should persuade me, by any backsliding, to make a
bargain about the body of Christ; for, in such case, I should be likened
to Judas, the seller of our Lord to the Jews, the buyers of Christ! But
as to my promotion, which you state in your letter to have taken place,
the mother of my lord the king dissuading him therefrom, the kingdom
exclaiming against it, and the Church, so far as she could, heaving
sighs thereat, this I tell you in answer thereto. I did not hear
exclamations on the part of the kingdom, but rather acclamations; and if
there was any dissent on the part of my lord’s mother, they did not come
to the ears of the public. It might possibly be the case that some
ecclesiastics did sigh upon that promotion, as aspirants generally do,
when they found that they were disappointed in the hopes they had once
entertained. And, possibly, at this day, it is those same persons who,
by way of revenge for their misfortune, are the authors and advisers of
the present dissensions. But ‘Woe to him by whom offenses come!’ Against
the aforesaid obstacles, and against others, if any there were, the
dispensations of God prevailed, as we may at this day perceive. For I am
compelled by Him, who is justice itself, to postpone Him for nothing
whatsoever, who in His mercy has placed me in this position. The points,
also, which you seem to put forward, by way of justifying the king, I
think ought not to be lightly passed over, or without some discussion;
and I could only wish that he had not taken so wide a departure from
justice, and that my complaints against him appeared less just. You say
that he is, and always has been, ready to give me satisfaction. This you
assert you can confidently say and maintain. Hold then a moment and
answer these questions. When you say that he is ready to give
satisfaction, in what sense do you understand it? You see those of whom
God says that He is the father and the judge. the orphans, the widows,
the fatherless, the innocents, and those who are utterly unacquainted
with this controversy which is going on between us, you see these
proscribed, and you are silent; you see the clergy banished, and you do
not exclaim against it; you see others spoiled of their property, and
loaded with insults, and you do not reprove it; you see my servants
thrown into prison and confined there, and you hold your peace; you see
the property of your mother church of Canterbury being made away with,
and you offer no resistance; you see swords threatening the very throat
of me your father, and myself escaping with the greatest difficulty, and
you express no sorrow; still worse even, you are not ashamed to take
part with my persecutors, and in me, persecutors of God and His Church,
and that too, not in secret. Is this, then, giving satisfaction, not to
correct evils which have been perpetrated, and day after day, to add to
what is bad what is still worse? But perhaps you understand it in a
contrary sense, and that to obey the will of the unrighteous is to give
satisfaction, according to the words, ‘I will make mine arrows drunk
with blood.’ However, you will say to me, ‘My father, of what do you
accuse me? I will acquit myself in a few words. I am afraid for my
gown.’ It is true, my son, and too true what you say, and it is for that
reason, that you wield not the sword. But as to what you say, that he is
prepared to stand by the judgment of his realm, as though, forsooth,
that were a full satisfaction; who is there on earth, or even in heaven,
that would presume to pronounce judgment with reference to the
ordinances of God? Let human matters be pronounced judgment upon; but
let Divine things remain utterly unshaken, and be left alone. How much
better would it be, my brother, how much more healthful for him, and
more safe for yourself, if you were to labor in every way to disclose to
him and to persuade him, what is the will of God with reference to
maintaining the peace of His Church, and to warn him not to covet those
things which do not belong to his administration, and to remind him to
honor the priests of God, not giving heed to who they are, but whose
servants they are. You charge me with having been warped by prejudice
against the bishop of Salisbury and John of Oxford, not a dean as you
call him, but the usurper of a deanery But you ought to bear in mind
that certain manifestoes preceded my judgment. You say too, that you
have been moved thereby; how should you not? Ucalegon trembles when his
neighbor’s party-wall is on fire and I only wish that you may be
becomingly moved from the position which you have so unbecomingly taken
up. Let then my lord, at your intimation, know and understand, that He
who rules not only the kingdom of men, but of angels as well, has
ordained under Him two powers, princes and priests; the one earthly, the
other spiritual; the one to minister, the other to warn; to the one of
whom He has conceded power, to the other He has willed respect to be
shown. But he who withholds aught of his rights from the one or the
other, resists the ordinances of God. Let not my lord then disdain to
show respect to those to whom the Supreme ruler of all has not disdained
to show respect; ‘I have said ye are Gods’ and again, ‘I have made you a
God unto Pharaoh,’ and ‘thou shalt not revile the Gods; ‘meaning the
priests. And again, when speaking by Hoses of him who was about to
swear, he says, ‘Bring him unto the Gods,’ that is to say, the priests.
And let not my lord presume to attempt to pronounce judgment on his
judges. For to the earthly powers are not entrusted the keys of heaven,
but to the priests. Wherefore it is written, ‘the priest’s lips shall
keep knowledge, and they shall seek the law at his mouth, for he is the
messenger of the Lord;’ and Saint Paul says, ‘Shall we not judge angels?
How much more men.’ That also, at your suggestion, should be brought to
our lord’s recollection as worthy of remembrance and imitation, which we
read in Ecclesiastical History concerning the emperor Constantine, to
whom when there had been presented written accusations against the
bishops, he took the libels, and, calling the accused before him, in
their sight, burned them, at the same time saying: ‘Ye are gods, made so
by the true God. Go settle your disputes among yourselves, for it is not
fit ting for us men to give judgment on gods. ‘Oh mighty emperor! Oh
discreet ruler upon earth! one who did not fraudulently usurp that which
belongs to another, and thus earned an eternal kingdom in heaven.
‘therefore, let my lord make it his study to imitate a prince so mighty,
so discreet, and so prosperous; who enjoys both a praiseworthy memory
upon earth, and an eternal and glorious life in heaven. Otherwise, let
him fear what the Lord has threatened in Deuteronomy, saying: ‘The man
that will do presumptuously, and will not hearken unto the priest, shall
die before the judge.’ For unto this he has been called, and hereby the
temporal peace and mightiness of his kingdom, of which you remind me, is
ministered unto him from heaven. Otherwise, notwithstanding his many
virtues, the king will not be saved even though kingdoms should be
subdued by him, and nations should be prostrate. But enough upon these
points. Whoever you have had as your fellow-writers in the aforesaid
letter, let them understand that this answer made to you is an answer to
themselves. For the future, my brethren, I warn you, I beg and entreat
of you that schisms may not separate, nor enmities overshadow us; but
let us have one heart and one soul in the Lord, and let us listen to Him
who telleth us to struggle for justice with all our soul, and to contend
for it to the death, and the Lord will conquer for us our enemies. And
let us not forget that strict judge, standing before whose tribunal the
truth alone shall judge us, all area) of and trust in the powers of this
world being laid aside. Farewell to your brotherhood in the Lord.’
The Letter of the Suffragans of the Church of Canterbury to the
blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury.
“To their venerable father and lord, Thomas, by the grace of God,
archbishop of Canterbury, the suffragan bishops of that church and the
beneficed clergy appointed over the various places throughout their
dioceses, due submission and obedience. Whereas, father, on your
departure for foreign parts, through the very unexpectedness and novelty
of the circumstance, considerable confusion arose, still, we did hope,
through your humility and prudence, with the aid of the Divine favor,
for a return therefrom to the serenity of our former peaceful state.
That was, indeed, a solace to us, which, after your departure, reached
us all by general report; that you, while passing your time in the parts
beyond sea, had no ulterior designs; that you were guilty of no
machinations against our lord the king or against his kingdom, but
endured with moderation the burden of poverty which you had
spontaneously taken upon yourself; that you were devoting your time to
reading and prayer, and were atoning for the loss of time past by
fastings, watchings, and tears, and, occupied in spiritual pursuits,
were making your way, by the increase of your virtues, to the perfection
of blessedness. We rejoiced to hear that by pursuits of this nature you
were applying yourself to the restoration of the blessings of peace,
and, in consequence thereof, we did entertain a hope that you would be
enabled also to bring the heart of our lord the king to feelings of
graciousness, so that, in his royal clemency, he might cease to be
angered against you, and no longer recall to mind the injuries that had
been inflicted upon him in your departure, and in the consequences
thereof. Your friends and well-wishers did enjoy some access to him
while these things were heard of you, and when they made entreaties for
the bestowal on you of his favor, he received each with benignity. But
now, from the information of certain persons, we have learned that which
we recall to mind with anxiety, namely, that you have issued against him
a letter of warning, in which you omit the salutation, and in which you
do not make any attempt to gain his favor, or have recourse to
entreaties; in which you neither breathe nor write aught in a friendly
spirit; but, on the contrary, with extreme severity, you declare in the
threats which you utter against him, that you will shortly have to
pronounce against him an interdict or else sentence of excommunication.
Now, should this be carried out with as much severity as it has been
asserted with harshness, we then no longer have any hope that peace may
succeed the present state of confusion, but are greatly afraid that he
will be inflamed to a lasting and inexorable hatred. But the prudence of
the devout takes into consideration the results of things, using its
best endeavors that what it has commenced with discretion it may also
bring to a good end. Therefore, if so it please you, let your
discreetness consider to what it tends, and whether, by attempts of this
nature, it can obtain the end which is its object. As for us, in
consequence of these endeavors, we have fallen from great hopes, and
after conceiving the hope of at some time obtaining peace, we now find
ourselves repelled by deep despair from the very threshold of hope. And
thus, while the combat is being waged as it were with the sword drawn,
there is no room whatever to be found for entreaty in your behalf.
Therefore do we write to our father what in our Christian love is our
advice to him, not to super-add difficulties to difficulties, injuries
to injuries, but rather, desisting from threats, to observe patience and
humility. Let him entrust his cause to the Divine clemency, to the favor
and mercy of his lord, and, thus doing, let him heap and gather hot
coals of fire upon the heads of many. By thus acting brotherly love will
be excited, and, the ford inspiring and the advice of the good
prevailing, perhaps piety alone would be enabled to do that which
threats have proved unable. It would be as well for you to be spoken of
in terms of praise for your voluntary submission to poverty, as, for
ingratitude for benefits received to become the subject of general
remark. For all persons have a full recollection how kind the king our
master has strewn himself towards you, to what a pitch of glory he has
raised you from an humble station, and how he has with feelings so
joyous received you into his especial favor, that the whole of the
various portions of his dominions, which extend from the northern ocean
to the Pyrenees, he has rendered subject to your power; so much so, that
in them public opinion considered those only as fortunate who were able
to find grace in your eyes. And, that no worldly fickleness might be
able to shake your glory, he has willed immovably to root you in the
things which belong to God. While his mother dissuaded him, the kingdom
expostulated, the Church of God, so far as she could, sighed and
groaned, he made it his object, in every possible way, to raise you to
that elevated post which you now enjoy, hoping that he should for the
future reign happily, and, amid the greatest security, rejoice in your
aid and counsel. If, then, he receives injury where he looks for
security, what will be the remark made on you by the voice of all? What
will be your reward, or what your character, in consequence of your
having made such a return as this? Do, then, if so it please you, spare
your own character, spare, too, your own fame, and, in humility,
endeavor to surpass our lord, and, in Christian charity, your son. If,
however, our advice cannot prevail upon you to do this, at least the
love and fidelity of the Supreme Pontiff, and of the holy Roman Church,
ought to influence you. For you ought easily to be persuaded not to wish
to make any attempt which may increase the labors of your mother, who
has now labored so long, by causing her grief, which deplores the
disobedience of many, to be increased by the loss of those who are
obedient. For what if, and God forbid it should be so, through your
irritation of him, or by your agency, our lord the king, whom people and
kingdoms follow and obey, the gift of the Lord, should withdraw from our
lord the pope, and decline to follow him for the future, after his
refusal to give him satisfaction against you? For, what entreaties, what
gifts, what promises, and how many of them, are strongly urging him to
this step! whereas he has hitherto stood firmly upon a rock, and has
victoriously, with feelings of deep devotion, trodden under foot the
whole that the world could make offer of. One thing only do we fear,
that him whom these offers of riches, and the whole of that which in the
estimation of men is precious, could not influence, the indignation of
his feelings of themselves may be enabled to overcome. Should this come
to pass through your agency, you will have entirely to adopt the
lamentations of Jeremiah, and in future will never by any means be
enabled to deny unto your eyes a fountain of tears. Recollect,
therefore, if so it please you, that the design of your highness, if it
should succeed, will in every way conduce to the injury of our lord the
pope and the holy Roman Church, and, if so it please you, of yourself as
well. But those who are near you, and have deep designs, perhaps will
not allow you to proceed upon this path. They entreat you to make trial
against our lord the king who you are, and, in all matters which belong
to him, to exercise your utmost possible power. For what power is there
an object of fear to the sinful, of dread to him who refuses to give
satisfaction? We do not, indeed, say that our lord the king has never
done amiss, but we do say, and aver with confidence, that he has always
been ready to make satisfaction to our lord. The king, who has been so
appointed by the Lord, provides for the peace of his subjects in all
things, that he may be enabled to preserve the same for the churches and
the people entrusted to him, while, at the same time, the dignities
which were the due of and accorded to the kings before him, he asks as
his own due and to be accorded to him. Wherefore, if any disagreement
has arisen between him and you, having been convened and warned thereon
by the Supreme Pontiff, in his paternal love, through our venerable
brethren the bishops of London and Hereford, he has not treated the same
with superciliousness, but has shown that he does not require what does
not belong to him in all those matters in which any grievance has been
put forward relative to a church or any ecclesiastical person, and has
humbly and meekly made answer that he will conform to the judgment of
the Church of his kingdom; which he is also prepared to fulfill in deed,
and to esteem it a pleasing obedience when he is advised to correct the
same, if he has been guilty of any offense towards God. And, not only to
give satisfaction, but also to make reparation, if required, is he
prepared. If then, he is ready both to give satisfaction and to make
reparation to the Church in those matters which concern the Church, and
not in the least to shrink therefrom, thus bowing his neck to the yoke
of Christ, with what right, by what law, by what canon or interdict will
you oppress him or, which God forbid, with what weapon of the Gospel
will you smite him? Not to be carried away by impulse, but to be
prudently regulated by the judgment, is a thing worthy of praise.
Wherefore, this is the common petition of us all, that you will not give
way to precipitate counsels, and thus betray us, but rather by your
paternal kindness make it your study to provide for the sheep entrusted
to your charge, that they may enjoy life, and peace, and security.
Indeed, that is a subject of concern to us all, which we have lately
heard of as being done, preposterously as some think, against our
brother the bishop of Salisbury and his dean. Against them, following,
as it seems to us, rather the warmth of anger than the path of justice,
you have hurled the penalties of suspension or condemnation before an
inquiry has taken place as to their faults. This is a new method of
giving judgment, hitherto, we trust, unknown to laws and canons, first
to condemn for it, and afterwards to take cognizance of the fault. This
we beg you not to attempt to put in practice against our lord the king
and his kingdom, or against ourselves and the churches and dioceses
entrusted to our charge, to the detriment of our lord the pope, to the
loss and disgrace of the holy Church of Rome, and to the no slight
increase of your own confusion. To such a course on your part we oppose
the remedy of appeal, having already in the face of the Church
personally made appeal to our lord the pope against our fears of
oppression. And now once more do we appeal to him in writing, and we
name the day of the Ascension of Our Lord as the appointed time for our
appeal. Still, with all possible duteousness, we entreat you, adopting
more healthful counsels, to spare your own and our labor and expense,
and to make it your endeavor to place your case in such a position that
it may admit of a remedy. Father, we wish you farewell in the Lord.”
The Letter of the Suffragans of the Church of Canterbury to
Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff.
"To their father and lord, the Supreme Pontiff Alexander, the bishops
of the province of Canterbury, and the beneficed clergy appointed over
many places throughout their dioceses, to their lord and father, the due
service of love and obedience. We believe, father, that your excellency
will remember that, through our venerable brethren, the bishops of
London and Hereford, you did, by letter to them some time since
directed, convene your dutiful son, our most dear lord, the illustrious
king of the English, and did advise him, in your paternal love, as to
the correction of certain points which seemed to your Holiness in his
kingdom to stand in need of correction. On receiving your mandate with
due reverence, as is well known to all, he did not thereupon give way to
any ebullition of anger, or with haughtiness despise to pay obedience
thereto; but immediately thereupon, feeling gratitude for your paternal
correction he submitted himself to the judgment of the Church, repeating
upon each point the commands which, according to the tenor of your
mandate, had been carefully given to him thereupon; that he would be
obedient to the judgment of the Church of his kingdom, and that what in
it should seem worthy of correction, he would of his own praiseworthy
counsel, and, with a duteousness in a prince most commendable, correct.
From this determination he has not withdrawn, nor does he intend to fall
away from his promise: but, on the contrary, whoever shall sit as judge,
whoever shall take cognizance, and whoever shall pronounce judgment, he
himself, showing respect to the Divine mandates, and not putting forward
the pride of majesty, but rather, like an obedient son, is ready in all
things to submit to that judgment, and in a lawful manner to show
obedience to the sentence, and so prove himself a prince bound to
respect the laws. Wherefore, as he submits himself to the judgment of
the Divine laws, it is not necessary, either by interdict, or by
threats, or by the goads of maledictions, to urge him to give the
satisfaction required; for his deeds do not in any way withdraw
themselves from the light, nor do they in any measure need to fly to the
shade for concealment. For the king, who is in faith a most devout
Christian, in the bonds of chastity a most exemplary husband, a
preserver and defender of peace and justice of incomparable activity,
sets all his wishes thereupon, and is animated by every desire, that all
scandals may be removed from his kingdom, that all sins with their
abominations may be banished therefrom, that peace and justice may
universally prevail, and that, amid profound security and pleasing
quietude, all things may rejoice and flourish under his rule. When,
therefore, he learned that by the enormous excesses of certain insolent
clerks the peace of his kingdom was in no slight degree disturbed,
showing to the clergy all due reverence, he reported their excesses to
the bishops, the judges of the Church, in order that the spiritual sword
might come to the aid of the temporal, and the spiritual power might
establish and consolidate in the clergy that peace which he revered and
cherished in the people. On this occasion the zeal of both parties was
made manifest; the judgment of the bishops taking this position, that
murder and similar crimes ought only to be punished in the clergy by
deprivation of orders. The king, on the other hand, was of opinion that
this punishment was not at all equal to the guilt, and that due care was
not had for the establishment of peace, if a reader or an acolyte should
be allowed to kill any man illustrious for his exemplary piety or his
high station, and then come off safe with solely the loss of his orders.
The clergy, therefore, insisting that thus it has been ordained by
heaven in favor of their order, while our lord the king was for visiting
guilt with, as he hopes, a justifiable hatred, and striving to root
peace still more deeply, a holy contention arose, which is excused, we
believe, before the Lord, by the single-mindedness of either party. On
his side, it is not from a love of dominion, nor with the object of
crushing the liberties of the Church, but from a wish to establish
peace, that our lord the king has made this attempt that the customs of
the kingdom and the dignities of the kings which have before his time
been observed in the kingdom of England by ecclesiastical persons and
peacefully maintained, should be still upheld. And that, upon these
points, the cord of contention might not be prolonged to succeeding
times, and public notice be attracted thereto, the elders, bishops, and
other great men of the kingdom, having been adjured thereupon by their
faith and their hopes in God, after having been informed upon the usage
in time past, the required immunities were openly discussed and
published upon the testimony of the chief men throughout the kingdom.
This, then, is the cruelty of our lord the king towards the Church of
God which has been so loudly exclaimed against throughout the whole
kingdom, this is his persecution, this is his malignity, the reports of
which have been spread abroad among ourselves as well as in other
quarters. Still, in all these, if there is anything contained that is
dangerous to the soul, anything offensive to the Church, he has promised
all along, and does most steadfastly promise, that, advised and moved
thereto by your authority, he will, with the most holy duteousness, by
reason of his reverence for Christ, and for the honor which he professes
to pay to the Holy Church, whom he confesses to be his mother, and for
the salvation of his own soul, correct the same, according to the advice
of the Church of his realm. And, indeed, our father, our aspirations for
peace, would, as we hope, before this have obtained their wished-for
end, if the asperity of our father, the lord archbishop of Canterbury,
had not kindled afresh the anger that was now subdued and almost
extinguished. For he, from whose long-suffering we had hitherto hoped
for peace, from whose moderation a renewal of his favor, has most
harshly and irreverently made an attack upon him whom he ought to have
softened with his admonitions, and to have subdued by well-deserving and
meekness, by means of grievous and threatening letters, little savoring
of the devotedness of the father or the long-suffering of the priest,
upon the occasion of his lately taking proceedings against certain
disturbers of the peace. He has most bitterly threatened sentence of
excommunication against him, and the penalties of interdict against his
kingdom. If, then, his humility is thus rewarded, what is to be done
with him when he is contumacious? If ready duteousness and obedience are
thus esteemed, in what way will punishment be inflicted upon obstinate
perverseness? To these grievous threats, things more grievous have been
added. For upon certain faithful and familiar friends of our lord the
king, the first nobles of the realm, who especially take part in the
private counsels of the king, and by whose hands the sovereign’s
intentions and the business of the kingdom are carried out, he has
passed sentence of excommunication, and has publicly denounced them as
excommunicated, when they have been neither cited nor defended, nor are,
as they say, conscious of having committed any fault, nor have been
convicted or made confession thereof. In addition to this, our venerable
brother, the bishop of Salisbury, when absent and undefended, having
neither confessed to or been convicted of any crime, has been suspended
from the sacerdotal and episcopal office before the grounds of his
suspension had been submitted to the judgment of his brother bishops of
the province, or indeed of any one else. If, therefore, this method of
passing judgment is to be carried out with regard to the king, and with
regard to the kingdom, in so preposterous, not to say, irregular a
manner, what are we to suppose may be the possible consequence? For the
days are evil, and find numerous pretexts for speaking ill of us, unless
the bonds of peace and of brotherly love, by which the sovereignty and
the priesthood are held together, are burst asunder, and we, together
with 1 he clergy entrusted to our charge, depart hence dispersed in
exile, or else, which God forbid! withdraw from our fealty to you, and
are hurled into the evils of schism, and into the abyss of iniquity and
disobedience. For this is the shortest possible way to the entire
destruction of religion, and to the subversion and ruin of both clergy
and people. Wherefore, let not, in the days of your Apostolate, the
Church be thus grievously subverted; let not our lord the king and the
people his servants, be, which God forbid! turned away from their
obedience to you; let not the wrath of our lord the archbishop of
Canterbury, which, by the machinations of certain private persons, is
contrived to be leveled against him and his mandates, be enabled to work
any grievance against our lord the king, or his kingdom, or ourselves,
or the churches committed to our charge. To your highness, by word and
by writing, we have appealed, and have fixed on the Ascension of our
Lord as the day of our appeal, choosing, in all humility, to endure
whatsoever shall in all respects be pleasing unto your Holiness, rather
than suffer daily grievances, till we are wearied, from his
manifestations of loftiness of spirit, our deserts not meriting the
same. Beloved father in Christ, may the Lord Almighty preserve the
safety of your Church to avail even unto ages far distant.”
1168
In the year of grace 1168, being the fourteenth year of the reign of
king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, Richard, earl of Striguil,
assembling a great army, invaded Ireland, and subdued the greater part
of it, with the assistance of Milo de Coggeham, a warlike soldier, and
then, making a treaty with the king at Dublin, received his daughter as
his wife, together with the kingdom of Dublin. In the same year died
Guido of Crema the second antipope, and was succeeded by John, abbot of
Struine, who was styled pope Calixtus. In the same year died Robert,
earl of Leicester, chief justiciary of England.
The Letter of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to
Gilbert, Bishop of London, with reference to the sentence pronounced
against him.
“Thomas, by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate of
the Apostolic See, to Gilbert, bishop of London - would indeed that he
could say, his brother - may he turn away from evil and do what is good.
Your extravagances we have borne with, so long as we could, and we hope
that our endurance and long-suffering, which have been to ourselves
detrimental beyond measure, may not redound to the injury of the whole
Church. But inasmuch as you have always abused our patience, and have
not been willing to listen to our lord the pope or ourselves in the
advice which concerned your salvation, but rather, your obstinacy has
been always increasing for the worse; at length, the necessities of our
duty and the requirements of the law forcing us thereto, we have, for
just and manifest causes, smitten and excommunicated you with the
sentence of anathema, and have cut you off from the body of Christ,
which is the Church, until you make condign satisfaction. Therefore, by
virtue of your obedience, and at the peril of your salvation, of your
dignity and of your priestly orders, as the form of the Church
prescribes, we do command you to abstain from all communion with the
faithful; lest by coming in contact with you, the Lord’s flock may be
contaminated to its ruin, whereas it ought to be instructed by your
teaching, and taught by your example how to live.”
The Letter of Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to the Chapter
of London, upon avoiding communion with those who are excommunicated
“Thomas, by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate of
the Apostolic See, to the dean, archdeacon and clergy of the church of
London, health, and may they faithfully abstain from communion with
excommunicated persons. That ought not to escape your discernment, which
almost the whole Latin world acknowledges, how unrighteously, taking the
opportunity of the general schism, Gilbert, bishop of London, our
brother, would that we could say our true brother, has acted in the
cause of the Church, and has endeavored to disturb the peace thereof.
Still, with great longsuffering we have hitherto endured this, while he
has always abused the same, and to his manifold errors has added the
crime of disobedience as well. We, therefore, being able no longer to
conceal this from ourselves, the necessities of our duty, and the
requirements of the law forcing us thereto, have publicly excommunicated
him, and we do enjoin you in virtue of your obedience, and at the peril
of your priestly orders and of your salvation, forthwith to abstain from
all communion with him, as befits the faithful in Christ. Likewise,
under the same penalties, we do order you to avoid those whose names are
hereunder written. With a like sentence; also, God willing, we shall, on
the day of the Ascension, condemn those who have been solemnly cited by
us, unless in the meantime they shall make satisfaction, namely,
Gilbert, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert, his vicar, Richard de
Ivechester, Richard de Lucy, William Giffard, Adam de Cheringes, and
those who, either at the king’s command or of their own rashness have
taken possession of the property of ourselves, or of our clergy, as also
those who, by their aid or counsel, are known to have instigated the
feelings of our lord the king against the liberties of the Church, and
to the proscription and plunder of the innocent, and those who hinder
the nuncios of our lord the pope, and of ourselves, From ministering to
the necessities of the Church. Let not Your heart be disturbed hereat,
or be afraid, inasmuch as by the mercy of God we are safe, under the
protection of the Apostolic See, against the backslidings of the
malignant and the subterfuges of appeals. These are the names of those
excommunicated – Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury, earl Hugh, Ranulph de
Broc, Thomas Fitz-Bernard, Robert de Broc, clerk, Hugh de Saint Clair,
Letardus de Norfleet clerk, Nigel de Saccaville, and Richard, the
brother of William de Hastings, who has taken possession of our church
at New Coton. Farewell.”
The Letter of the blessed Thomas, the archbishop, to Robert,
bishop of Hereford.
“Thomas, by the grace of God, the humble servant of the church of
Canterbury, to his venerable brother Robert, by the same grace, bishop
of Hereford, health and constant perseverance in justice and in the
defense of mother Church. For the glory of the Saints, and for the
damnation of the wicked it is necessary that offenses must come: in
tribulations the elect are to be proved, who by patience gain for
themselves a crown, and improve others by their example. But woo unto
those by whom offences do come! Whereas, the bishop of London has not
abstained from giving offence but among other works of his notable
wickedness, since he has been delivered up unto Satan, has even gone so
far as, with insolent audacity and parricidal impiety, to lift up his
heel against his and your mother, the holy church of Canterbury, in
presuming to say that he owes no submission and will pay no obedience to
him by whom he was translated to his see; and to the weight of his
condemnation has added this, that he would be for causing the transfer
of the archiepiscopal throne to the see of London - we do therefore
entreat your brotherhood, in whom we have full confidence, with all
possible affection to oppose the shield in defense of your mother,
against this son of Belial, who in the front of other Gentiles, like
another Goliah of Gath, has not been ashamed to come forth alone, by the
Lord’s working, from the camp of the uncircumcised, and has not feared
to challenge to the combat the whole community of the sons of the church
of Canterbury, while he is thirsting for the blood of their mother, and
is forsaking the unity of catholic concord. For he has written to our
lord the pope, on behalf of our brother the archbishop of York,
beseeching him with lying and deceitful testimony that he will allow him
to bear the cross throughout our province, supposing that some great
gain will be the result, if through hatred to our person he shall be
enabled in any way to inflict an injury upon the Church to which by his
canonical profession he owes duty and obedience. But Christ, who from
its first foundation, amid various storms and many and great tempests,
has guided and cherished the church of Canterbury, has wrought
mercifully in that, in full consistory, his falsehood and wickedness
have been, by means of unexceptionable witnesses, made manifest.
Wherefore, in the first place I return thanks to God, and in the next to
yourselves and the rest of our brethren, who have withheld yourselves
from all communion with him from the time that it was known that he had
been condemned to excommunication, and have ordered by public notice
throughout your see, not only him, but the rest of those who have been
excommunicated among you, to be avoided. In this has been made manifest
your fidelity, and the constancy of your virtue has shone forth, which
has determined that the threats of public power and of officials,
equally with their blandishments, ought to be postponed to the commands
of God. You have set at liberty your consciences, you have preserved
your good name, while, both by the words of truth, and by the example of
fortitude, you have taught that it is more becoming to obey God than
man. Inasmuch, therefore, as the love of God, diffused so greatly by his
Holy Spirit in your hearts, has gone forth to the public as a testimony
of your well-doing, all servile fear being repulsed and laid aside, let
this sincerity of yours feel assured that God will speedily beat down
Satan under your feet, and will bring the contest to a happy issue; and
this, too, the more speedily and gloriously, the more fervently and
constantly your truth shall have been made manifest in the course on
which you have begun. Wherefore, in the love of God, we do beg and
entreat of you, and, by your fidelity, by your obedience, and by the
sincere affection which you entertain towards your mother, the church of
Canterbury, adjure you; that in order to maintain the dignity and the
rights of the church of Canterbury to which you have made profession of
fidelity, you will arise and come to our rescue against the above-named
archbishop, and send in writing to our lord the pope, and to the court,
a testimony of the truth, such as it befits her sons to bear for their
mother church. For he who shall withhold it on the occasion of so unjust
an attack, beyond all doubt ought to be esteemed as unfaithful, and
worse than unfaithful, and one against whom right would demand that all
the faithful should wage war even unto the death. Nor indeed can this
course be productive of any danger, inasmuch as the truth is clear, and
according to the saying, is manifest even to the blind. But inasmuch as
he is cursed who withdraws his sword from blood, and the evil-doer is to
be scourged in order that the wise man may be instructed to his
salvation; whoever does not meet the parricide with a stone and a sword,
renders himself subject to the curses of the law. For he appears to give
his consent thereto, who does not, when he can, reason with, or hinder
him who commits such excesses. And, in order that it may not be more
stringently demanded at our hands, if we any longer conceal from
ourselves the great and manifest errors of those who persecute the
Church and whom now for a period of nearly a whole five years, we have
endured with great long-suffering, in hopes that they might come to a
feeling of repentance, we denounce to your brotherhood as publicly
excommunicated, Geoffrey, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert his
vicar, Richard de Ivechester, William Giffard, Earl Hugh, Richard de
Lucy, Adam de Cheringes, as also those who against the rules of the
sacred canons have received ecclesiastical offices or benefices from lay
hands, or taken unlawful possession of them of their own authority; and
likewise those who hinder the messages of our lord the pope, and of
ourselves, from treating the necessities of the Church. We do therefore,
by the authority of our lord the pope, and of ourselves, command you
that you will hold, and will cause to be held throughout your bishopric,
these persons in such wise as the discipline of the sacred canons has
prescribed in the case of persons solemnly excommunicated. We bid your
brotherhood farewell in the Lord, and may it remember in the prayers of
the holy to pray for us and the cause of God which is in our hands.”
1169
In the year of grace 1169, being the fifteenth year of the reign of
king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, ... Henry, king of England,
fearing that the blessed Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, would
pronounce sentence of excommunication against his own person, and lay an
interdict on his kingdom, appealed in behalf of himself and his kingdom,
to the presence of the Supreme Pontiff; and sending envoys to him,
requested that he would send one or two legates a latere to England, to
enquire into the dispute which existed between him and Thomas, the
archbishop of Canterbury, and terminate it to the honor of God and of
the Holy Church; and also that the persons above-named, whom the
archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated, might in the meantime be
absolved. Wherefore our lord the pope wrote to the following effect:
The Letter of pope Alexander to Henry, king of England.
“Alexander the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Henry, the
illustrious king of the English, health and the Apostolic benediction.
The envoys sent by your mightiness, namely, our well-beloved sons Robert
Cumin and Ralph de Tameworde, persons devoted to ourselves and to the
Church of God, and, as we believe, most faithful servants to your royal
highness, together with the letter which your excellency transmitted
unto us by their hands, we have received with the more kindly feelings,
and have with the greater favor and honor granted the prayer thereof,
the more fully we were sensible that they had been sent by a mighty
prince and most Christian king: to whom, indeed, we wish, so far as with
the will of God we may, all glory and honor; and whose advantage, in
every way in which we becomingly may, both we and our brethren and the
whole Church wish for the more ardently, the more that in our greatest
necessity we have experienced your most devoted sincerity towards us.
For our memory at no time hereafter will be able possibly to lose the
recollection of the marks of duty shown to us by you at a time so
opportune, nor will they by any lapse of time be overshadowed in the
sight of the church. We have thought proper to send certain persons as
legates a latere, according to your request, although it seemed to us
most inconvenient and most difficult at this time to part with any, when
we are standing in need of the presence and counsel of our brethren, and
especially of those whom you require, being not unmindful however, as we
have already mentioned, of your praiseworthy and distinguished
dutifulness to us. These we have thought fit to send to the presence of
your highness, with full powers to take cognizance of and give judgment
upon the ecclesiastical matters which are the subject of dispute between
you and our venerable brother, the archbishop of Canterbury, as also,
the controversy which exists between the said archbishop and the bishops
of your kingdom with regard to the appeal made unto ourselves, and such
other matters in dispute in your kingdom as they shall be enabled to
bring to a satisfactory conclusion, and, according as the Lord shall
give them His assistance therein, to terminate the same in a canonical
manner. We shall by all means also forbid the said archbishop in any way
to attempt to molest, or disturb, or disquiet either yourself, or your
people, or the kingdom entrusted to your government, until these matters
in dispute shall have been brought to a legitimate conclusion. But, if
the aforesaid archbishop shall in the meantime, pronounce any sentence
upon you, or your kingdom, or any person in your realm, we do pronounce
the same to be null and void, and not in any way to affect you. To put
an end to such a course, and as a proof of our wishes, you are, in case
necessity shall arise for so doing, to produce this present letter. But,
otherwise, we do beg of your serene highness, and strongly recommend
you, not to let this letter or the tenor thereof be known to any person
whatsoever, but to keep it entirely secret. And as for those persons of
your household and your advisers, whom the said archbishop has already
subjected to sentence of excommunication, the parties sent by us will,
with the Lord’s assistance, absolve them. Put if, in the meantime, any
one of them shall be in fear of immediate death, we do grant that he may
be absolved by any bishop, or religious and discreet man, on the oath
being administered to him, according to the custom of the Church, that
if he shall recover he will consider himself bound to obey our
mandates.”
Upon this, the above-mentioned legates of our lord the pope having
arrived in Normandy, certain of the suffragans of the church of
Canterbury wrote to the following effect:
[Letter of the Suffragans of Canterbury to the Papal Legates]
“Cure is preferable to complaint. But, our sins requiring the same,
our holy mother the Church has been placed between the hammer and the
anvil, and, unless the Divine mercy shall look down upon her, will
shortly feel the blow of that hammer. For, the wickedness of the
schismatics wax ing strong, for defending his faith and for his love of
justice, our father has been exiled by our other father from his
country, and the hardened mind of Pharaoh forbids him liberty to return
to his see. Added to this, in things spiritual as well as in things
temporal the church of Canterbury is sadly impoverished. Like a ship
upon the sea deprived of her pilot, she is buffeted to and fro, and is
exposed to the winds, while, by the royal authority, her shepherd is
forbidden to remain within the territories of his own country. He, wise
though he may be, at his own peril and that of his Church, as also of
ourselves, has, together with himself, exposed us to the bitterness of
penalties and of labors; not reflecting that to use soothing methods
will not detract from his own power. And further, although with all our
affections we sympathize with his sufferings, he has proved ungrateful
towards us, and, although we are in the same condemnation, ceases not to
persecute us. For, between himself and the most serene king of the
English, a certain controversy arose: at the desire of both, a certain
day was fixed upon, that, upon the same, with the mediation of justice,
an end might be put to this controversy. Upon that day, in obedience to
the royal command, the archbishops, bishops, and other heads of the
Church, were convoked, in order that the more extensive the council then
held, the more manifest might be the exposure of fraud and malice. On
the day appointed, this disturber of the kingdom and of the Church
presents himself before the face of the Catholic king, and, being
distrustful of the nature of his own merits, arms himself with the
resemblance of the cross of our Lord, as though about to come into the
presence of a tyrant. Nor yet even at this was the king’s majesty
offended, but he entrusted the judgment of his cause to the fidelity of
the bishops, that so he might be free from all suspicion. It remained,
therefore, for the bishops to end the dispute by pronouncing judgment,
that they might thereby bring the disputants to a reconciliation, and
bury in oblivion the causes of their dissensions. He, however, came
thither, and forbade sentence to be pronounced upon himself before the
king, that so the royal mind might be the more violently inflamed to
anger. The result of these excesses is, that the author thereof is in
duty bound to expose himself to the vengeance of every one, being
ashamed to deprecate a merited retribution, in not pausing at offending
a most powerful prince in the days of the persecution of the Church. For
it is his offence that has redoubled the weight of the blows of
persecution. It would have been better for himself if he had placed a
curb upon his prosperity, lest, while striving presumptuously to arrive
at the summit of felicity, he might, in return for his presumption, be
thrust down to a lower place. And, if the misfortunes of the Church did
not move him, he ought at least to have been dissuaded from acting in
opposition to the king by the advancement, both in riches and honors,
which the king had bestowed upon him. Whereas, on the other hand, he
faces him as an adversary, and objects, that for him to stand in
judgment before the king would be a diminution of the dignity of the
Apostolic See. But if he was not aware that in that judgment there was
but little derogatory to the dignity of the Church, still, it was his
duty to have concealed his feelings for a time, in order that peace
might be restored unto the Church. Again, another objection that he
takes, ascribing to himself the title of father, is, that it seems to
savor of arrogance for sons to meet together for the condemnation of
their father, a thing that they ought by no means to do. But, if he
really had been a father, in the first place his humility would have
moderated the pride of his sons, in order that hatred of the father
might not spring up in those sons. Therefore, most holy fathers, it is
clear from what is stated above, that our adversary ought to fail in his
presences, being actuated by the malignity of his hatred alone, and
supported by no reasonable grounds whatsoever, and inasmuch as the care
of all the churches is known at present to rest upon ourselves.”
When Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, and some of his
fellow-exiles, came to an interview with the legates, on the octave of
Saint Martin, between Gisors and Trie, the legates discoursed at length
with the archbishop on the Christian charity of our lord the pope, the
anxiety which the Roman Church had hitherto manifested in his behalf,
their own labors and the perils of their journey, the mighty power of
the king of England, the necessities of the Church, the wickedness of
the times, the love and kindness which the king of England had
manifested towards him, and the honor which the king had always paid
him. They also added the complaints, and the injuries which the king of
England complained that he had suffered at his hands, laying it to his
charge, among other things, that he had excited the king of the Franks
to wage war against him, and sought his advice how they might be enabled
to appease such vast indignation, because they were well aware that no
remedy could be applied to such dangers without great humility,
moderation, and marks of respect.
But the archbishop of Canterbury, in all humility and meekness of
spirit, after duly returning thanks to our lord the pope and to them,
made answer to each point, upon true and probable grounds, showing the
emptiness of the king’s complaints, and fully explaining the injuries
and intolerable losses of the Church. And, inasmuch as they required of
him humility and marks of respect, he answered that he would most
willingly show all humility, and the greatest possible honor and
respect, saving always the honor of God, the liberties of the Church,
the dignities belonging to his own person, and the possessions of the
churches; and if anything should seem to them to require to be added, or
to be taken away, or to be changed, he entreated that they would give
him their advice, it being his fixed determination to acquiesce therein,
saving always the conditions of his profession and orders. To this,
however, they made answer, that they had come not to advise him, but to
seek his advice, and to prepare the way for a reconciliation.
They also made inquiry of the archbishop, whether, in the presence of
the legates, he was willing to promise to observe the customs which the
kings had made use of in the times of his predecessors, and thus, all
complaints being hushed up, to be reinstated in the king’s favor, and
return to his see and the performance of his duties, and the enjoyment
of peace by him and his people? To this the archbishop made answer, that
no one of his predecessors, under any of the kings, had been bound to
make this profession, and that he, with the help of God, would never
promise to observe customs, which were openly opposed to the law of God,
and, besides that, rooted out the privileges derived from the Apostles,
and destroyed the liberties of the Church; which, also, our lord the
pope, at Sens, in their presence, and in that of many others, had
condemned, and some of which, he himself subsequently thereto, following
the authority of our lord the pope, had subjected, together with those
who observed them, to the penalties of excommunication, as the Catholic
church in many councils is known to have done.
Upon this, he was asked to promise, if not a confirmation of them, at
least connivance and toleration on his part, or, not making mention in
any way of the customs, to return to his see and his former state of
tranquility. To this the archbishop made answer: “It is a proverb among
the people of our nation, that ‘silence looks like assent’:” and
observed that, while the king would appear to be left in possession of
these customs, and would unjustly and violently compel the Church to the
observance of them, if all opposition should cease, through silence
being obtained on his part, the authority of the legates being
interposed for that purpose, the king would immediately appear to
himself and to others to have gained his point in the contest. He also
added, that he would go into exile, be perpetually proscribed, and, if
God so ordained it, die, in defense of justice, rather than obtain a
peace of this description, to the loss of his salvation, and to the
prejudice of the liberties of the Church. For that there is a God who,
in such a case, forbids the priesthood to be silent, and, in case they
dissemble, has prepared hell for their portion, where there will be no
dissembling of their punishment. The book of the abominations was also
read by him, and he made inquiry of the cardinals, whether it was lawful
for such things to be put in practice by Christians, much more concealed
from their pastors?
They then proceeded to another question, inquiring whether he would be
willing to abide by their judgment upon the matters in dispute between
himself and the king? To this he made answer, that he fully confided in
the integrity of his cause; and that when he himself and his people, who
had been for a long time left destitute, should have been fully restored
to the enjoyment of everything, taking into consideration causes, and
circumstances, and times, he would readily obey the law, and that he
neither could nor would decline it, but, on the contrary, both where,
and when, and how, it should be his duty, would submit to the judgment
of him or them, by whose judgment, whether one or more, our lord the
pope should have made it his determination to abide. That, in the
meantime, he and his people could not be urged on to litigation, and not
even poverty would have this effect, even though he should have been in
want of victuals, had he not been aided with money by the most Christian
king of the Franks. Yet he was unwilling, at the first glance, to shrink
from judgment, even though he might have the best possible grounds for
suspecting either of them, lest he might thereby seem to justify the
king’s cause, nor yet did he desire to engage in litigation before he
had been entirely restored, in order that he might thereby be enabled to
support his own cause.
1170
In the year 1170, being the sixteenth year of the reign of king
Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king Henry kept the solemn
festival at Nantes, in Brittany, on the day of the Nativity of our Lord,
which took place on the fifth day of the week. After this, the king made
a hostile attack upon the lands of earl Eudo, and laid waste nearly the
whole thereof, and compelled earl Eudo himself to surrender.
After this, in the first week of the month of March, he crossed over
from Normandy to England, between Barbeflet and Portsmouth; on which
passage, after being tossed about by a most dreadful storm, from the
hour of midnight until the ninth hour of the following day, with great
difficulty he reached England and landed at Portsmouth. But nearly all
the other ships that were with him were broken and shattered, and
reached various ports of England just as the strength of the gale drove
them along. One of them, however, which was a better and more recently
built vessel than all the rest, but more unfortunate, went down,
together with Henry de Agnelles and his two sons, Gilbert de Sulemny,
and master Ralph de Beaumont, a physician, and one of the king’s
household, together with other men and women, to the number of four
hundred.
In the same year, king Henry passed the festival of Easter at Windsor.
... After this, at the feast of Saint Barnabas the Apostle, the said
king held a great council at London, with the nobles and chief men of
his kingdom, upon the coronation of his son, Henry; and on the Lord’s
day following, which took place on the seventeenth day before the
calends of July, the clergy and people assembling and agreeing thereto,
he himself caused the above-named Henry, his son, to be crowned and
consecrated king at Westminster, by Roger, archbishop of York, who was
assisted in this duty by Hugh, bishop of Durham, Walter, bishop of
Rochester, Gilbert, bishop of London, and Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury;
no mention whatever being made of the blessed Thomas, archbishop of
Canterbury, to whom by right of his see the coronation and consecration
belonged. The day after this coronation, the king, his father, made
William, king of the Scots, and David, his brother, and the earls and
barons of the kingdom, pay homage to the new king, and swear fealty to
him against all men, saving their fealty to himself
When it became known to Louis, king of the Franks, that his daughter
Margaret had not been crowned together with her husband, the king of
England, he assembled a large army, and hostilely invaded Normandy. On
hearing of this, the king of England, the father, leaving the king his
son behind in England, crossed over into Normandy, and made peace with
king Louis, at a conference held at Vendôme, on the festival of Saint
Mary Magdalene, promising that next year he would cause his son to be
crowned again, and his wife with him. On returning from this conference,
the king, the father, came into Normandy, and was attacked at Motamgran
by a grievous malady, on which he divided his dominions among his sons
in the following manner:
He gave to his son Richard the dukedom of Aquitaine, and all the lands
which he had received with his mother, queen Eleanor; and to his son
Geoffrey he gave Brittany, with Alice, the daughter of earl Conan, whom
he had obtained as his wife, from Louis, king of the Franks. To king
Henry, his son, he gave Normandy, and all the lands which had belonged
to his father, Geoffrey, earl of Anjou. These three sons he also made do
homage to Louis. king of France. To John, his youngest son, who was as
yet an infant, he gave the earldom of Mortaigne. A considerable time
after this, king Henry, the father, on recovering from his illness, went
on a pilgrimage to Saint of Roquemadour.
In the meantime, the blessed Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, now
passing his sixth year in exile, made complaint to Alexander, the
Supreme Pontiff, against Roger, the archbishop of York, and the
above-named four bishops who had assisted him at the coronation of the
new king, in the province of Canterbury; whereupon, at his instance, the
Supreme Pontiff excommunicated the bishops of London, Rochester, and
Salisbury and the archbishop of York, and suspended Hugh, the bishop of
Durham, from all his episcopal duties. For which purpose he wrote to
them to the following effect:
The Letter of pope Alexander to Roger, archbishop of York, and
Hugh, bishop of Durham.
“Alexander, the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his
venerable brethren, Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of
Durham, health and the Apostolical benediction. Although you have shown
yourselves praiseworthy and pleasing unto us in many respects, and we do
sincerely embrace you in the arms of Christian love; still, for all
this, we ought not to omit that those things which have been done by
you, and which, remain uncorrected, beget death, and to remind you, and
correct you in our zeal for what is right, as the Lord says by His
prophet, ‘When I say unto the wicked, thou shalt surely die; and thou
givest him not warning, nor speakest to warn the wicked from his wicked
way, to save his life; the same wicked man shall die in his iniquity,
and his blood will I require at shine hand.’ For the persecution of the
English Church, and the diminution of her liberties which have taken
place through the conduct of your king, whether of his own accord, or
whether rather at the suggestion of others, have for this long time past
greatly afflicted our mind, and caused us no small grief and anxiety.
For whereas it was his duty to have thought of correcting those things
which have been wrongfully done by his predecessors, rather adding
prevarications to prevarications, he has both placed and established
customs thus evil under the protection of the royal dignity. Under
these, both the liberties of the Church are destroyed, and the decrees
of the successors of the Apostles are, as far as possible, deprived of
their validity. Nor has he thought that it ought to suffice, if under
him the Divine laws in the kingdom of England should be reduced to
silence and to nothingness, unless he should also transmit his sins to
his heirs, and cause his kingdom long to exist without the ephod and
without the pall. For this reason it is that these usurpations, so
unrighteous and so utterly unjustifiable, he has caused to be confirmed
by your oath, and by those of others of our brethren and fellow bishops,
and has pronounced as an enemy whatever person should think fit to
differ from these unrighteous ordinances. This is proved by the exile of
our venerable brother, Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury; this is
also strewn by the dreadful proscription of his clergy and kindred, and
of those even who, still hanging at their mother’s breasts, were crying
in the cradle. Even the fear of death is appealed to, if the mind of any
one is aroused, in contradiction to these enactments, a desire to obey
the Divine laws. We ourselves, by whose judgment those prevarications
ought to have been corrected or punished, were with much urgency on the
occasion of a time of trouble pressed to confirm the same. Strong
endeavors were also made, and no efforts were spared, that we might, at
a time when they had not been explained to us, confer upon these
usurpations, the confirmation of the Apostolical authority. This indeed
took place at the very beginning. In process of time, however, the
archbishop above-named being sent into exile for having performed the
duty of his pastoral office, and frequently requesting from our
assistance the customary aid of the Roman Church, we sent to the king
before-mentioned, some of the best and most eminent of our brethren; we
also sent other ecclesiastical persons, and did imagine that by our
humility and forbearance his obduracy might be surmounted: and so it
should have been, for Solomon says, ‘By long forbearance is a prince
softened, and a soft tongue breaketh anger.’ But he, trifling with our
long-suffering by the manifold arts of his envoys, seems so utterly to
have hardened his heart against our advice, that he will not curb his
wrath against the above-named archbishop, nor allow any portion to be
withdrawn, of those unrighteous statutes, but will rather afflict the
church of Canterbury with the entire loss of its possessions, and by
these means despoil it of its ancient dignity in the ecclesiastical
office. For lately, when he wished his son to be crowned, despising the
said archbishop, to whom that duty is said of ancient right to belong,
by your hand, brother archbishop, he caused the crown of the kingdom to
be placed on his head in the province of another. Besides, at his
coronation, no surety was given, according to usual custom, for
preserving the liberties of the Church, or indeed, according to report,
even demanded; but on the contrary, it is said to have been confirmed
upon oath, that it is the duty of all to keep inviolate the customs of
the kingdom, which they say were established by his grandfather, and by
reason of which the dignity of the Church is endangered. Although in
acting thus, the obstinacy of the above-named king greatly vexes us, yet
we are still more moved by the weakness of yourselves and of our other
fellow-bishops, who, and with grief we say it, have become as it were
rams having no horns, and have fled without courage from before the face
of their pursuer. For although, brother archbishop, it might possibly
have been allowable for you to act thus in your own province, still, how
it was allowable for you in the province of another, and of him in
especial, who was almost the only one to go forth in exile for justice
and thereby to give glory to God, we are unable to discover either upon
the grounds of common sense, or according to the constitutions OI the
holy fathers. But should any one, by way of excuse for so great a
betrayal, make it an objection that in other kingdoms many and grave
enormities are perpetrated, in truth we can make answer, that we find no
kingdom that as yet has rushed into so great a contempt of the Divine
laws, as to cause enormities so manifest to be promulgated by the
writings and oaths of bishops, unless, indeed, any one should have the
impudence to bring that forward, of which the schismatics who have been
lately cut off from communion with the faithful, have with damnable and
unheard-of pride been guilty. Wherefore, inasmuch as, according to the
words of the prophet, the evil has been done among you, to an extent
beyond all other provinces in his usurpations, and after having
confirmed these unrighteous customs you have not aroused yourselves to
yourselves the shield of faith, in order that you might stand in the
house of the Lord in the day of battle, but have laid your bodies on the
ground, that there might be a way for him to pass over you; and lest if
we should be any longer silent, we might, together with you, be involved
on the day of judgment in the same sentence of damnation, by the
authority of the Roman Church, of which with the aid of the Lord we are
the servant, we do suspend you from all duties of the episcopal office,
hoping that at least, under discipline and paternal correction, you will
return to a sense of your duty, and, as you ought, apply yourselves to
defending the liberties of the Church. But if not even then you resume
the zeal that ought to belong to your ecclesiastical office, then shall
we, by the Lord’s assistance, have recourse to that which is now
impending over you. Be it then your care that that is not said to you,
which was said to one by the prophet: ‘Because thou hast rejected what
is holy, I will also reject thee, so that thou shalt be no priest to
me.’ For, as we, God so disposing, according to His good pleasure, are
seen to occupy the place of him who could be withheld from preaching the
word of God neither by stripes nor by bonds, we are bound, not under an
ambiguous expectation of peace, to place the money of the Divine word
which has been entrusted to us in a napkin, and so keep it tied up until
the hour for getting in the profit thereof shall arrive, and the
creditor coming shall strictly demand of us an account thereof.”
In the meantime, Louis, king of the Franks, and the archbishops,
bishops, and nobles of the kingdom of France, besought the Roman Pontiff
in behalf of the archbishop of Canterbury, by the love which they bore
him, and with protestations of implicit obedience, no longer to admit
the excuses and delays which the king of England continually put
forward, as he loved the kingdom of France and the honor of the
Apostolic See. William, the bishop of Sens, also, being astonished at
the desolate condition of the English church, repaired to the Apostolic
See, and obtained of the Roman Church, that, an end being put to all
appeals, the king of the English should be subjected to excommunication,
and his kingdom to interdict, unless peace were restored to the church
of Canterbury. Thus, at last, it pleased God, the dispenser of all
things, to recompense the merits of His dearly beloved Thomas, and to
crown his long labors with the victorious palm of martyrdom. He,
therefore, brought the king of England to a better frame of mind, who,
through the paternal exhortation of our lord the pope, and by the advice
of the king of the Franks and of many bishops, received the archbishop
again into favor, and allowed him to return to his church.
Accordingly, peace was established between the archbishop and the king
of England, on the fourth day before the ides of October, being the
second day of the week, at Montluet, between Tours and Amboise, upon
which, everything being arranged, they returned, each to his place.
Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, returned to the abbey of Saint
Columba, where he had resided for nearly the last four years. But, one
day while the said archbishop lay there, prostrated in prayer before a
certain altar in the church, he heard a voice from heaven saying to him,
“Arise quickly, and go unto thy see, and thou shalt glorify my Church
with thy blood, and thou shalt be glorified in me.” Thereupon, at the
commencement of the seventh year of his banishment, when he was now
beloved by God and sanctified by spiritual exercises, and rendered more
perfect by the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, he hastened with all
speed to return to his see. For the pious father was unwilling any
longer to leave the church of Canterbury desolate; or else it was,
because, as some believe, he had seen in the spirit the glories of his
contest drawing to a close, or through a fear that, by dying elsewhere,
he might be depriving his own see of the honor of his martyrdom.
As for his life, it was perfectly unimpeachable before God and man.
To arise before daybreak did not seem to him a vain thing, as he knew
that the Lord has promised a crown to the watchful. For every day he
arose before daybreak, while all the rest were asleep, and entering his
oratory would pray there for a long time; and then returning, he would
awake his chaplains and clerks from their slumbers, and, the matins and
the hours of the day being chanted, devoutly brats the mass; and every
day and night he received three or five flagellations from the hand of a
priest. After the celebration of the mass, every day he re-entered his
oratory, and, shutting the door after him, devoted himself to prayer
with abundant tears; and no one but God alone knew the manner in which
he afflicted his flesh. And thus did he do daily unto his flesh until
the hour for dining, unless some unusual solemnity or remarkable cause
prevented it. On coming forth from his oratory he would come to dine
among his people, not that he might sate his body with costly food, but
that he might make his household cheerful thereby, and that he might
fill the poor ones of the Lord with good things, whom, according to his
means, he daily increased in numbers. And although costly and exquisite
food and drink were set before him, still, his only food and drink were
bread and water.
One day, while the archbishop was sitting at the table of Alexander, the
Supreme Pontiff, a person who was aware of this secret, placed before
him a cup full of water. On the Supreme Pontiff taking it up, and
tasting it, he found it to be the purest wine, and delicious to drink;
on which he said: “I thought that this was water;” and on replacing the
cup before the archbishop, the wine immediately returned to its former
taste of water. Oh wondrous change by the right hand of the Most High!
Every day, when the archbishop arose from dinner, unless more important
business prevented him, he always devoted himself to reading the
Scriptures until the hour of vespers, at the time of sunset. His bed was
covered with soft coverlets and cloths of silk, embroidered on the
surface with gold wrought therein; and while other persons were asleep,
he alone used to lie on the bare floor before his bed, repeating psalms
and hymns, and never ceasing from prayers, until at last, overcome with
fatigue, he would gradually recline his head upon a stone put beneath it
in place of a pillow: and thus would his eyes enjoy sleep, while his
heart was ever watchful for the Lord. His inner garment was of coarse
sackcloth made of goats’ hair; with which his whole body was covered
from the arms down to the knees. But his outer garments were remarkable
for their splendor and extreme costliness, to the end that, thus
deceiving human eyes, he might please the sight of God. There was no
individual acquainted with this secret of his way of living, with the
exception of two - one of whom was Robert, canon of Merton, his
chaplain, and the name of the other was Brun, who had charge of his
sackcloth garments, and washed them when necessary; and they were bound
by their words and oaths that, during his life, they would disclose
these facts to no one.
After the transactions above related, archbishop Thomas came to Witsand,
but, upon hearing that Roger, archbishop of York, and the bishops of
London and Salisbury, were at Dover, for the purpose of meeting him, he
was unwilling to proceed thither, but landed in England at Sandwich.
Having thus crossed the sea, the archbishop and future martyr was
received in his church with great thankfulness, and with honor and
glory, and especially by the monks, in solemn procession, all weeping
for joy, end exclaiming, as they gave thanks, “Blessed is he, who cometh
in the name of the Lord.” But he, like a good father, receiving them all
with the kiss of peace, admonished them with paternal exhortations, and
instructed them to love the brotherhood, to obey God, to persevere in
doing good, and to strive even to the death for the law of God.
At this period, Henry, king of England, the son of king Henry, was in
England, and the Nativity of our Lord was approaching, which that king,
with the nobles of his land, was about to celebrate with the usual
solemnities. To this celebration it was the intention of the blessed
Thomas, although not invited, to go. However, when he had come to
London, Jocelyn, the queen’s brother, came to him, and forbade him, in
the king’s name, to go any further, upon which the blessed Thomas
returned to Canterbury.
Accordingly, again was this champion of Christ afflicted with injuries
and hardships still more atrocious, beyond measure and number, and, by
public proclamation, enjoined not to go beyond the limits of his church.
Whoever showed to him, or to any one of his household, a cheerful
countenance, was held to be a public enemy. However, all these things
the man of God endured with great patience, and staying among those of
his own household, edified them all with his conversation and with words
of exhortation: and once more the archbishop took his seat in his
church, fearless, and awaiting the hour at which he should receive from
God the crown of martyrdom. For, being warned by many beforehand, he
knew that his life would be but short, and that death was at the gates.
Upon this, as though he had but that moment commenced to live, he
used all endeavors, by spiritual exercises, to redeem the moments of his
past life; and knowing that this life is but a journey and a warfare, in
order that he might be sanctified in body, and disembarrassed in spirit
by vices, armed with virtues, he girded himself up for the race, and
prepared himself for the struggle of the conflict. Therefore, in
finishing his race, he ran “not as uncertainly,” and, in fighting well,
he did not “fight as one that beateth the air.” Then almost all his
thoughts and discourse were upon the end of this life and the troubles
of its path. Sometimes, also, in his discourses delivered to his
brethren, the monks of the church of Canterbury, and the clergy and
people of that city, he would say: “I have come to you to die among
you.” And sometimes he would say: “In this church there are martyrs,
and, before long, God will increase the number of them.” This he said,
signifying by what death he should glorify the Lord.
1171
In the year of grace 1171, being the seventeenth year of the reign of
king Henry, son of the empress Matilda, the said king was at Bure, in
Normandy, on the day of the Nativity of our Lord, being the sixth day of
the week, and queen Eleanor and his sons, Richard, Geoffrey, and John,
were with him. In the same year, his son Henry, king of England, was in
England. On the same day, the blessed Thomas, the archbishop of
Canterbury, being then at Canterbury, after delivering a sermon to the
people, excommunicated Robert de Broc, who, the day before, had cut off
the tail of one of his sumpter-horses.
Hardly had the father been residing one month in his see, when lo! on
the fifth day of the feast of the Nativity of our Lord, there came to
Canterbury four knights, or rather sworn satellites of Satan, whose
names were as follow: William de Tracy, Hugh de Morville, Richard Brito,
and Reginald Fitz-Urse, men of families remarkable for their
respectability, but destined, by their daring to commit so enormous a
crime, to blemish the glories of knighthood and the honors of their
ancestors with perpetual ignominy. Accordingly, these persons made their
way into the presence of the archbishop, and, as nothing salutary was
the object of their message, in the malice they had conceived they
omitted pronouncing any salutation, and addressed him in an insolent and
haughty manner. Threats were exchanged on both sides, and threat was
answered with threat. At last, leaving behind them abuse and insults,
they departed: but, immediately after, they returned and broke into the
cloister of the monks, with a large retinue of armed men, being also
armed themselves. Now the archbishop, with meekness and self-possession,
had gone before them to the choir of the church, the monks having
entreated, nay, forced him, on account of the solemnity of the season,
to perform the service at vespers. When he perceived these armed men
behind him, in the middle of the cloisters, it might have been expected
that their own malignant feelings would have warned them to leave the
church; but, neither did reverence for the solemn occasion dissuade them
from their crime, nor the innocence of the patriarch prevent them from
shedding his blood. Indeed, so entirely had their shameless
determination to perpetrate the crime taken possession of them and
blinded them, that they neither regarded the disgrace to their
knighthood, nor took account of any danger. Therefore, following the
archbishop with headlong and heedless steps, with drawn swords, they
entered the church, and furiously cried aloud, “Where is this traitor?”,
After which, no one making answer, they repeated, “Where is the
archbishop?” Upon this, he, the confessor, and, shortly to be, the
martyr in the cause of Christ, being sensible that under the first name
he was falsely charged, and that, by virtue of his office, the other
belonged to him, came down from the steps to meet them, and “Behold,
here am I,” showing such extraordinary presence of mind, that neither
his mind seemed agitated by fear nor his body by trepidation.
On this, in the spirit of his frenzy, one of these fell knights made
answer to him, “You shall now die, for it is impossible for you to live
any longer.” To which the bishop made answer, with no less
self-possession in his language than in his mind, “I am ready to die for
my God, and for asserting justice and the liberties of the Church; but,
if you seek my life, in the name of Almighty God, and under pain of
excommunication, I forbid you, in any way, to hurt any other person,
whether monk, or clerk, or layman, whether great or small, but let them
be as exempt from the penalty as they have been guiltless of the cause.”
These words of his would serve to express those of Christ in His
passion, when He said, “If ye seek me, let these go their way.”
On this, the knights instantly laid hands on him and seized him, that,
for the perpetration of their design, they might drag him out of the
church, but were unable so to do. The archbishop, on seeing his
murderers with drawn swords, after the manner of one in prayer, bowed
his head, uttering these as his last words, “To God and to Saint Mary,
and to the Saints, the patrons of this church, and to Saint Denis, I
commend myself and the cause of the Church.” After this, amid all these
tortures, this martyr, with unconquerable spirit and admirable
constancy, uttered not a word or a cry, nor heaved a sigh, nor lifted
his arm against the smiter; but, bowing his head, which he had exposed
to their swords, held it unmoved until the deed was completed.
Upon this, the above-named knights, fearing the multitude of persons of
both sexes that came running to the spot, hastened the perpetration of
the crime, lest possibly it might be left incomplete, and their
intentions be frustrated thereby; and while one of them was extending
his arm and brandishing his sword over the head of the archbishop, he
cut off the arm of a clerk, whose name was Edward Grim, and at the same
time wounded the anointed of the Lord in the head. For this clerk had
extended his arm over the head of the father, in order that he might
receive the blow as he struck, or rather ward it off thereby. The
righteous man still stood erect, suffering in the cause of
righteousness, like the innocent lamb, without a murmur, without
complaint, and, offering himself up as a sacrifice to the Lord, implored
the protection of the Saints. And, in order that no one of these fell
satellites might be said to be guiltless in consequence of not having
touched the archbishop, a second and a third atrociously struck the head
of the suffering martyr with their swords, and crave it asunder, and
dashed this victim of the Holy Ghost to the ground. The fourth, raging
with a still more deadly, or rather fiendlike, cruelty, when prostrate
and expiring, cut off his shorn crown, dashed in his skull, and,
thrusting his sword into the head, scattered his brains and blood upon
the stone pavement. In the mixture of the two substances the difference
of color seemed to remind any one, who considered the matter with due
piety, of the twofold merits of the martyr. For, in the whiteness of the
brains was shown the purity of his innocence, while the purple color of
the blood bespoke his martyrdom. With both these becomingly arrayed, as
though with a nuptial garment, the martyr Thomas was rendered a worthy
guest at the heavenly table. Thus, even thus, the martyr Thomas become,
by virtue of his long-suffering, a precious stone of adamant for the
heavenly edifice, being squared by the blows of swords, was joined in
heaven unto Christ, the headstone of the corner. Wherefore this our
Abel, being made perfect by the glory of martyrdom, in a moment lived
out many ages.
Thus it was that, at the beginning of the seventh year of his exile, the
above-named martyr Thomas struggled even unto the death for the love of
God and the liberties of the Church, which had almost entirely perished
as regards the English Church. He did not stand in fear of the words of
the unrighteous, but, having his foundation upon a firm rock, that is,
upon Christ, for the name of Christ, and in the Church of Christ, by the
swords of the wicked, on the fifth day of the Nativity of our Lord,
being the day after Innocents’ day, he himself an innocent, died. His
innocent life and his death, as being precious in the eyes of God,
innumerable miracles deservedly bespeak, which, not only in the place
where he rested, but in divers nations and kingdoms, were wondrously
shown.
On the same day the passion of the blessed Thomas was revealed by the
Holy Ghost to the blessed Godric, the anchorite, at Finchale a place
which is distant from Canterbury more than a hundred and sixty miles.
The monks of the church of Canterbury, on this, shut the doors of the
church, and so the church remained with the celebration of the mass
suspended for nearly a whole year, until they had received a
reconciliation of the church from our lord the pope Alexander. But the
monks took up the body of their martyr, and the first night placed it in
the choir, performing around it the service for the dead. It is also
said, and with truthfulness, that when they had completed around the
body the obsequies of mortality, and while he was lying on the bier in
the choir, about daybreak he raised his left hand and gave them the
benediction; after which, they buried him in the crypt.
As for the knights who had perpetrated this unholy deed, instantly
becoming conscious of the heinousness of their conduct, and despairing
of forgiveness, they did not dare to return to the court of the king of
England, but retired into the western parts of England to Knaresborough,
the town of Hugh de Morville, and there remained until they had become
utterly despised by the people of that district. For all persons avoided
any communication with him, and no one would eat or drink with them. The
consequence was that they ate and drank by themselves, and the remnants
of their victuals were cast out to the dogs, which, when they had tasted
thereof, refused to eat any more. Behold the signal and deserved
vengeance of God! that those who had despised the anointed of the Lord
should be despised even by dogs. However, a considerable time after
this, the four knights above-named, who felt the accusation of their own
consciences for having perpetrated this deed, went to Alexander, the
pope of Rome, and, being enjoined by him to do penance, set out for
Jerusalem. Performing penance according to the pope’s injunctions, they
died at Montenegro, and were buried at Jerusalem before the doors of the
Temple. The inscription on their tomb was to the following effect: “Here
lie the wretched men who martyred the blessed Thomas, archbishop of
Canterbury. It was in the year one thousand one hundred and seventy-one
that the primate Thomas died by their swords.”
The Letter of Louis king of the Franks, to pope Alexander, on
the death of the blessed Thomas.
“To his lord and most holy father, Alexander, by the grace of God
Supreme Pontiff, Louis, king of the Franks, health and due reverence.
The man who commits violence upon his mother revolts against human laws,
and he remembers not the kindness of his Creator, who is not saddened at
violence offered to the Holy See. Put more especially is there ground
for condolence, and the novelty of a cruelty so unheard-of arouses a
novelty in sorrow, in that wickedness, making an attack upon the holy
one of God, has with the sword pierced the beloved son of Christ, and
more basely even than cruelly stabbed him who was the light of the
church of Canterbury. Let an unheard-of kind of retribution be invented.
Let the sword of Saint Peter be unsheathed to avenge the martyr of
Canterbury; inasmuch as, for the universal Church does his blood cry
aloud, complaining not so much for himself as demanding vengeance for
the whole Church. Behold! at the tomb of the martyr, as we have had
revealed unto us, the Divine glory is revealed in miracles, and by Him
are Divine manifestations made where his remains are deposited, for
whose name he so valiantly struggled. We bid your Holiness, and your
brotherhood, farewell in the Lord.”
The Letter of William, archbishop of Sens, to pope Alexander, on
the death of the blessed Thomas.
“To his most holy father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God,
Supreme Pontiff, William, the humble servant of the church of Sens,
health and due obedience with all duteousness. To your Apostleship, holy
father, all power has been granted in heaven and upon earth. In your
hand is a two-edged sword, over nations and over kingdoms are you
appointed, to bind their kings in fetters, and their nobles in chains of
iron. Behold therefore, my lord, and consider what vintage they have
gathered in. For a wild boar from the wood has destroyed the vineyard of
the Lord of Sabaoth, and a single wild beast has pastured thereon. The
church of Canterbury, rather the Church universal, from the ends of the
earth, in your presence is pouring forth tears that drop blood, and
sprinkled with bitterness, because she has been set up as a mark for the
arrow, and has been made a reproach unto her neighbors. And those who
behold her, wag their heads at her and say, where is their God? But she
weeping and turning back, is crying aloud in the ears of the Lord of
Hosts, Avenge, O Lord, the blood of thy servant and martyr, the
archbishop of Canterbury, who has been slain, nay, crucified, for the
liberties of the Church! Holy father! a thing horrible to be mentioned,
a disgraceful crime, an enormous piece of flagitiousness has been
perpetrated in your days, a thing at which both the ears shall tingle of
each that shall hear of it, the like of which has not been heard in
Theman, and has not been seen in Canaan. For another Herod, of the seed
of Canaan and not of Judah, the offspring of vipers, sending his lictors
from his side, has not been struck with horror at scarring with deep
wounds the sign of the passion of our Lord, which he carried on his
head, and at disfiguring with shameful marks the heavenly likeness. By
reason whereof, as all the Church affirms, the cause and the penalty
equally make him to be a martyr. The penalty is our grief, for the
sufferings inflicted on him: the cause was the rigor of the
ecclesiastical censure, because he contended for the law of his God even
unto the death. It is therefore your part, O most merciful father,
keeper of the walls of Jerusalem, to apply a remedy to what is past, and
to employ foresight for the future. For what place is there that can be
safe, if the rage of a tyrant is to stain with blood the Holy of Holies?
And is it with impunity to tear in pieces the vicegerents of Christ, the
foster children of the Church? Let then the ecclesiastical laws arouse
themselves, let ecclesiastical rights put on their armor. Let the
vengeance for the blood of this glorious martyr, which cries aloud from
England, enter into your presence. For cry aloud it will, and will
arouse not only the earth but the heavens as well. And so consult for
healing our sorrows, that you consult both for your own good name and
the liberties of the Church. As to the rest, we have thought proper to
inform the fatherly affection of your Holiness, that whereas you gave it
as your command both to the lord archbishop of Rouen and to ourselves,
that we should place under an interdict the lands that belong to the
king of England on this side the sea, if he should not keep the peace
which he had promised to our lord of Canterbury of glorious memory;
adding also, that if either of us should be unable or unwilling to take
part in carrying out the same, the other should nevertheless obey your
commands; the above-named archbishop of Rouen, after we had caused your
letter to be presented to him, signified to us that he would come to the
city of Sens, and would act according to the tenor of your mandate. But
when he had come thither, together with the bishops of Lisieux, Evreux,
and Worcester, and very many others, both clergy as well as laymen, of
the household of the above-named king, after many shiftings and excuses
on his part, he made answer, that he was on his road to your presence,
and felt unwilling to pour forth too bitter a censure upon the
above-named king. But we being sensible that whoever despises obedience
to the Apostolic mandates, incurs the guilt of paganism, according to
the tenor of your mandate, with the common advice of our brethren, all
the bishops, and of the abbots of Saint Denis, Saint Germain de Pres,
Pontigny, Vaucouleurs, Le Mans, and several other religious and wise
men, have pronounced sentence against his lands on this side the sea,
and have in your name enjoined the said archbishop and bishops to cause
the same to be observed. For we know that he has neither, as he had
promised, restored his possessions, nor had established security for
him, as his death gives proof. Through a native of the diocese of
Canterbury, whom we sent to him, he has also signified unto us that he
had given cause for his death, and that he had had him slain. For this
reason, we do supplicate your clemency, that you will ratify the
sentence before-mentioned, and, as befits your majesty, and is expedient
for the safety of the Church, will cause it to be in suchwise observed,
that the honor of God and your own will may be preserved. And as for
ourselves, who embrace your Holiness with that duteousness of which you
are so well aware, we will by no means by reason hereof allow ourselves
to be contemned. We wish you farewell, and as befits your majesty and
holiness. so do.”
The Letter of Theobald, earl of Blois, to pope Alexander on the
death of the blessed Thomas.
“To his most reverend lord and father, Alexander, by the grace of
God, Supreme Pontiff, Theobald, earl of Blois, and procurator of the
kingdom of France, health and due obedience with filial subjection. It
pleased your majesty, that between the lord archbishop of Canterbury and
the king of England, peace should be restored, and renewed concord
established. Wherefore, according to the tenor of your mandate, the king
of England received him with a cheerful countenance, and with features
that bespoke joyousness, and made promises to hum of peace and
restoration to favor. At this agreement and reconciliation I was
present, and in my presence the lord archbishop of Canterbury complained
to the king of the coronation of his son, whom with premature
aspirations and ardent desire, he had caused to be promoted to the
elevation of the royal dignity. The king of England, being guilty of
this wrong, and being conscious of his guilt, gave to the archbishop of
Canterbury a pledge confirmatory of his right, and promising that he
would make satisfaction. The archbishop also made complaint of those
bishops who, contrary to the right and the honor of the church of
Canterbury, had presumed to intrude a new king upon the seat of royalty;
not through zeal for justice, not that they might please God, but that
they might propitiate a tyrant. With regard to these, the king granted
him free license and authority to pronounce sentence against them
according as might seem fit and proper to you and to himself. These
things, in fact, I am prepared to attest, and to substantiate to you
either upon oath, or in any other way you may think fit. Upon this, a
reconciliation having been made, the man of God fearing nothing,
returned, that he might submit his throat to the sword, and expose his
neck to the smiter; and on the day after the day of the Holy Innocents,
this innocent lamb suffered martyrdom; his righteous blood was shed in
the place where the viaticum of our salvation, the blood of Christ, was
wont to be sacrificed. Those dogs of the court, the people of the king’s
household and his domestics, showed themselves true servants of the
king, and guiltily shed innocent blood. The detestable circumstances of
this monstrous crime I would give you in detail, but I fear, lest it
might be ascribed to me as being done through hatred, and the bearers of
these presents will recount it more at large, and with greater
precision; from their relation you will learn how great an accumulation
of grief, how vast a calamity has befallen the universal Church, and the
martyr of Canterbury. This calamity, with due regard to her honor, the
mother Church of Rome cannot conceal from herself. For whatever is dared
to be done against an only daughter, the same extends to her parent as
well, nor without injury to the mother is the daughter made captive.
Unto you, therefore, does the blood of the righteous man cry aloud,
demanding vengeance. Hay then, holy father, the Almighty Father aid and
counsel you, who gave the blood of His Son to the world, that He might
wipe away the guilt of the world, and cleanse the spots of our sins. May
He both instill into you a wish for vengeance, and the power of
obtaining it, that so the Church, put to confusion by the magnitude of
this unheard-of crime, may have reason to rejoice at the condign
punishment thereof.”
The Letter of William, archbishop of Sens, to our lord the pope,
against the king of England, in relation to the death of the blessed
Thomas.
“To his most loving father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God
Supreme Pontiff, William, the humble servant of the church of Sens, the
spirit of counsel and fortitude, with all service of due obedience.
While writing these lines, or rather before I had begun to write them, I
stopped short and hesitated, being greatly in doubt in what kind of
language I could present to the eyes of your clemency the atrocity of
the crime lately perpetrated, and the enormity of the offense so
recently committed. And, indeed, I believe that the outcry of the world
must have already filled the ears of your Holiness, who have your seat
upon the watch-tower of the world, how that this, not king of the
English, but enemy rather of the English and of the whole body of
Christ, has lately committed wickedness against the holy one, the son of
your right hand, whom you had confirmed unto yourself. His departure
from this world, and the mode of his departure, even though perchance
you may have heard from the diverse or adverse relation of any persons,
I will faithfully and conscientiously relate what has been signified
unto me by those who were present, and, in a few words, explain the
circumstances of the perpetration of this crime, the enormity of which
can hardly be imagined. During the Nativity of our Lord, on the day
after the Feast of the Innocents, towards sunset, and about the hour of
vespers, the executioners having gained admission, the three, namely,
who had been the first to arrive, approached this valiant champion of
Christ in a most threatening and insolent manner; the names of whom,
that their memories may be visited with everlasting maledictions, I here
insert, Hugh de Morville, William de Tracy, and Reginald Fitz-Urse;
these, on their first approach, on being saluted by the man of God, did
not return the salutation, inasmuch as, having entered upon the ways of
perdition, they manifestly rejected all that was salutary; but, on the
contrary, contumeliously and malignantly thundered forth threats against
him, if he did not, in obedience to the king’s mandate, absolve the
bishops who were suspended or excommunicated. On his making answer that
this manifestly pertained to your province, as being the sole judge
thereon, and that he could not think of claiming any himself where so
great an authority was concerned; they immediately, on the king’s
behalf, denounced him as a traitor, and instantly went forth to their
company of soldiers. As they went forth they also ordered, in the king’s
name, those knights who belonged to the household of the man of God,
upon peril of their lives and forfeiture of all their honors, to go
forth likewise, and silently and patiently await the result. A similar
proclamation of the king was published throughout the city. But this
single champion of Christ has, in our days, despised the threats of
princes, and was with the greatest difficulty, by the persuasion of the
knights, compelled to go forth from the place where he had already, as
it were, received a foretaste of death; and this was done that he might
not seem unwilling to meet his end. God, therefore, providing the mother
church. dedicated in honor of Christ himself, entering the same, the
anointed of the Lord was deemed worthy to be sacrificed for the name of
Christ in the spot where each day Christ as well is offered up. This
priest of the Most High, standing before the altar, and embracing in his
arms the cross which he had been accustomed to have carried before him,
and praying, voluntarily offered himself as a peace. offering to God
between the cross and the horns of the altar. For the hour of his
passion was drawing nigh; on bended knees, with throat extended, and
neck bowed down, he received the cup of salvation, and was beheaded by
the three executioners above-named, having been first reviled with
insults and many reproaches, that in no way he might be defrauded of the
example which he had before him in the passion of his ford. And that,
still more, the form thereof might find a remarkable resemblance in his
case, at the same hour he prayed for his murderers, adding thereto, and
earnestly entreating, that his household might be kept unhurt by the
present evils. Therefore, alone, and not without the shedding of blood,
did the priest enter into the Holy place. And inasmuch as, since the
death of the holy man we have heard, from the frequent relation of many
persons, that certain wonderful things, by the working of the Lord, have
taken place, they ought not to be entirely omitted. For, it is said, and
is steadfastly affirmed, that after his passion, he appeared in a vision
to many, whom he informed that he was not dead, but living, and showed
them, not wounds, but only the scars of wounds. Among these, he is said
distinctly to have appeared to a certain aged monk, named Neil, but in
what way I will not descant upon, in order that too long a narrative may
be avoided; but the bearers thereof will faithfully and at large relate
the circumstances. The story, too, about the blind man, who, immediately
on his passion being ended, rubbed his eyes with the still warm blood
and received his eyes and his sight, has been heard by all. There is
also a story related by many, not unworthy of credit, relative to the
tapers that were placed around his body, which, on being put out,
afterwards were lighted again of themselves. And, a thing still more
pleasing and miraculous, after all the obsequies of mortality had been
performed around his body, while he was lying upon the bier in the
choir, about dawn, raising his left hand, he gave the benediction.
Arouse yourself, then, man of God, and put on the velour of those whose
seat you hold; on the one hand let pity, on the other let indignation,
move you to smite the smiter of your son; the one you owe to your son,
the other to the tyrant: and so increase the glory upon earth of him
whom God thus wondrously glorifies in heaven. But, to the other, award
ignominy; who upon earth has so dreadfully persecuted God’ and has
smitten the sides of your own body, has torn forth your entrails
therefrom, and has trodden them under foot on the earth; who has also,
by the hands of I know not what uncircumcised and unclean wretches, so
perfidiously, so inhumanly, slaughtered your son, whom alone you loved
as though a mother; neither fearing to commit violence upon the father,
nor taking compassion upon his age. Wherefore, those to whose ministry
you have succeeded, to their zeal succeed as well. And, inasmuch as you
see the wickedness of Ahab, let emulation of Elias move you. Ahab slew
[Naboth] and took possession; but, if we carefully weigh all the
circumstances of the crime perpetrated by Ahab, Ahab is justified before
this man. For this crime is one that by far deserves the first place
among all the crimes of the wicked that are read of or related; as, all
the wickedness of Nero, the perfidiousness of Julian, and even the
sacrilegious treachery of Judas does it exceed. For look at this, and
consider - what a personage, in what a church, what a time, too, for
perpetrating the crime did ho made choice of; namely, the Nativity of
our Lord, the day after the feast of the Holy Innocents; so that, since
the old one, in our days a new Herod has risen up. The protection, too,
that was publicly granted to him failed to recall the traitor from the
commission of this wickedness. As though, too, of himself he was not
sufficiently mad, he has had encouragers, who have given horns to a
sinner, those false brethren, men to be detested by all churches
throughout the world, namely, that devil Roger, the archbishop of York,
Gilbert, bishop of London, and Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury, not bishops
but apostates, who have not secretly sold your son, their brother, but,
in truth, have slain him, fearing neither the curse of the aged father,
nor having regard for his sorrows or his age. That their life, both now
and always henceforth, may be passed in bitterness, and their memory may
be visited with eternal maledictions, may, Holy Father, your authority
and your severity equally effect. Holy Father, we bid your Holiness
farewell.”
In the meantime, Rotrod, archbishop of Rouen, Gilles, bishop of Evreux,
and Roger, bishop of Worcester, with Richard Barre, and some others of
the clerks and household of the king of England, set out to wait upon
the Roman Pontiff, in behalf of the king of England and his kingdom. But
the lord archbishop of Rouen, being worn out with infirmities and old
age, after having accomplished nearly half the journey, was able to
proceed no further, but returned to Normandy to his see, and the
above-named bishops, with the king’s clerks, proceeded on their journey.
On arriving, they obtained with the greatest difficulty of the Supreme
Pontiff that two cardinals, Theodinus and Albert, should come on behalf
of our lord the pope to Normandy, in order to take cognizance of the
dispute which existed between the king and the church of Canterbury, of
the death of the martyr of Canterbury, and of other ecclesiastical
dignities, and to give judgment thereon, according as God should suggest
to them. On this, the persons who had gone to Rome wrote to our lord the
king to this effect:
[Letter of Henry's representatives in Rome to Henry, King of
England]
“To their most dearly beloved lord, Henry, the illustrious king of
England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou, Robert,
abbot of Vaucouleurs, the archdeacon of Salisbury, Robert, archdeacon of
Lisieux, Richard Barre, and master Henry, health and fealty in all
things, and in all places obedience. Be it known unto your majesty, that
Richard Barre went before us, and, amid great danger and hardships,
preceded us to the court of our lord the pope. We four, with the two
bishops, the dean of Evreux, and master Henry, with great difficulty
arrived at Sienna, where we were detained for some days, as the earl
Macharius had closed the roads on every side, so that there were no
means of egress for any one. As we four, together with the bishops, who
greatly desired to proceed, were unable so to do, being beset with the
greatest difficulty of judging how to act, by the common consent of all,
we sallied forth secretly at midnight; and thus, over the ridges of
mountains, and through places almost inaccessible, with great fear and
peril, we at last arrived at Tusculanum. Here we found Richard Barre,
anxious, as he expressed himself, to sustain your honor, and skillfully,
usefully, and unceasingly striving for the promotion of your interests,
but, nevertheless, in great trouble and sorrow, because our lord the
pope had not received him, and other persons had not strewn themselves
affable and hospitable towards him. As for ourselves, on our arrival,
our lord the pope would neither see us, nor admit us to the kiss, nor at
his foot. Indeed, most of the cardinals hardly deigned to give us a
reception even with a word. In consequence of this, being long racked
with anxious cares, in the bitterness of our spirit, we entreated those
who were more faithfully attached to you, by every possible means, that,
through their intervention, our lord the pope might in some way or other
grant us the indulgence of an audience. At length, at their urgent
request, the lord abbot of Vaucouleurs and Robert, archdeacon of
Lisieux, who were not so strongly suspected, obtained a reception. But
when they, on giving the salutation on your behalf, made mention of your
name as being a most devoted son of the Church of Rome, the whole court
cried aloud with one voice, “Forbear! forbear!” as though it were
abominable to our lord the pope to hear mention made of your name. Upon
this, they left the court, and returned at a later hour to our lord the
pope, and gave him information as to the object of our mission, and what
injunctions we had received from your majesty. They also related, in
their order, each of the benefits you had conferred on the archbishop of
Canterbury, and all the excesses and affronts he had been guilty of
against your dignity. The whole of these matters were at first privately
mentioned to him, and afterwards, in the presence of our lord the pope
and all the cardinals, they being confronted by two clerks of
Canterbury, Alexander, and Gunther of Flanders. The fifth day of the
week before Easter now drawing nigh, on which, according to usage of the
Roman Church, our lord the pope is wont publicly to absolve or publicly
to excommunicate, feeling certain that as to what regarded your
grievances and those of your kingdom they had hitherto managed matters
with the greatest foresight, we consulted those whom we knew to be
faithful to your majesty; namely, the lord of Portuenza, the lord
Jacinto, the lord of Pavia the lord of Tusculanum, the lord Peter de
Mirio (the lord John of Naples being absent), and begged them with the
most urgent prayers and entreaties, that they would disclose to us the
intentions of our lord the pope towards us, and what determination he
purposed to form on our case. However, the information they gave us in
answer was nothing but what was ill-boding and disgraceful to your
highness; and we learned from their relation and that of brother
Francis, a trustworthy man, interrupted as it was by sobs, that, by the
common advice of his brethren, our lord the pope had immutably
determined on that day to pronounce sentence of interdict upon you by
name, and upon all your dominions on both sides of the sea, and to
confirm the sentence that had been pronounced against the bishops.
Being, consequently, placed in a position of the greatest difficulty, we
made the most stringent efforts, both through the cardinals and through
those of our companions who had access to him, and through the people of
his household, to induce him to pause in this design, or at least defer
it until the arrival of your bishops. When this could not by any means
be effected, we, as became us, and as we are bound in duty to you, being
neither able nor bound to put up with disgrace to your own person and
calamity to the whole of your dominions, having convened all our
companions before certain of the cardinals, at length discovered a way
for the preservation of your safety and honor, safe, and becoming, and
advantageous to the whole of your dominions, as well as necessary for
the bishops. Hereby we averted from you, and from your dominions, and
from your bishops, the disgrace and peril that were impending, and
exposed ourselves for obtaining this liberation to the whole of the
danger, believing and having an assured hope that the whole matter will
proceed according to what we believe to be your wishes, and according to
what we feel assured ought to be your wishes. The lords bishop of
Worcester and of Evreux, together with Robert, dean of Evreux, and
master Henry, were shortly about to follow, and, indeed, we left them
behind, anxious and vexed beyond measure because they had not been able
to come on according to their wishes, for the purpose of carrying out
the business you had entrusted them with. However, it was their
suggestion, as much as our own, that we should by some means or other
precede them, in order to be enabled to prevent the disgrace and
mischiefs which our adversaries were preparing for us; for we were
assured that serious troubles were in preparation for you at the court,
and were in dread of the usual custom of that day. With wishes for your
lasting prosperity, we bid your highness farewell: be comforted in the
Lord, and let your heart rejoice, inasmuch as, to your glory, the
present clouds will be succeeded by serenity. On the Saturday before
Palm Sunday we arrived at the court, and the bearer of these presents
has left us on Easter Day.”
In the meantime, there came into Normandy two cardinals, Gratianus and
Vivianus, sent as legates a latere by Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff,
who vexed the king of England by many and various annoyances, and wished
to place him and his dominions under interdict. But the king of England
being warned of this beforehand, had, before their arrival, appealed to
the presence of our lord the Supreme Pontiff, and by these means kept
himself and his dominions unhurt by the exercise of their severity.
Still, fearing the power of the Apostolic See, he hastened to the
sea-shore, and crossed over from Normandy to England, giving orders that
no person who should bring a brief, of whatever rank or order he might
be, should be allowed to cross over, either from Normandy to England or
from England to Normandy, unless he should first give security that he
would seek to inflict neither evil nor injury upon the king or his
kingdom.
...
In the meantime, Gilbert, bishop of London, and Jocelyn, bishop of
Salisbury, sent to Rome and received letters of absolution, the tenor of
which was as follows:
The Letter of Pope Alexander to the Archbishop of Bourges.
“Alexander the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his
venerable brethren, the archbishop of Bourges and the bishop of
Nivernois, health, and the Apostolic benediction. We believe that it is
not unknown to your brotherhood how Thomas of blessed memory, formerly
archbishop of Canterbury, in obedience to our mandate, pronounced
sentence of excommunication upon the bishops of London and Salisbury:
which we took due care to have ratified and confirmed by the authority
of the Apostolic See. Now, inasmuch as the aforesaid bishops, being worn
out with old age and infirmity of body, and, one of them laboring under
a malady, are not able to come to our presence: to you, in whose
prudence and fidelity we have full confidence, we have thought proper to
entrust their absolution, for which, envoys from Henry, the king of
England, and the said bishops have made the most urgent application.
Therefore, we do command your brotherhood, by these Apostolic writings,
within one month from the time when the said messengers shall have
returned home - (as to the approach of the legates whom we have thought
proper to send into those parts to take cognizance of this atrocious
crime and misdeed which has been perpetrated and of the forgiveness of
the king, that they have passed the Alps you are not unaware), that,
after having publicly received their oaths according to the custom of
the Church, that they are ready to pay obedience to our mandate, you
will absolve them from the ban of excommunication by pronouncing
sentence of suspension for the same cause for which they were recently
sentenced to excommunication, the said cause being still valid and of
full effect. But if you shall be satisfied that the bishop of Salisbury,
from laboring under the effects of disease, cannot come to you, then it
is our pleasure that you shall attend upon him personally. Or if you
shall be made to attend upon him, then you are to send proper persons,
in whom both you and we ourselves may be able to place full reliance,
who, having publicly received his oath, in the presence of the church,
that he is ready to pay obedience to our mandates, may thereupon absolve
him. But if, brother archbishop, it shall not be in your power to give
attention to this matter, then do you, brother bishop, together with the
abbot of Pontigny, give your most diligent attention to the injunctions
which we have given. Given at Tusculanum, on the eighth day before the
calends of May.”
1172
In the year of grace 1172, being the eighteenth year of the reign of
king Henry the Second, the said king was at Dublin, in Ireland, on the
day of the Nativity of our Lord, which took place on Saturday, and there
he gave a royal feast. Having stayed there until the beginning of Lent,
he proceeded thence to the city of Wexford, where he remained until
Easter. While he was staying there, Theodinus and Albert, the cardinals
who were sent as legates "a latere" by the Supreme Pontiff, came into
Normandy. On their arrival being known, the king hastened to meet them;
...
The festival of Easter approaching, the king’s household crossed over
from Ireland to England, on Easter Day, and landed at Milford Haven,
near Pembroke. The king, however, by reason of the solemnity of the day,
was unwilling to embark, but embarked the day after, and landed in Wales
near Saint David’s. After this, the king repaired with all haste to
Portsmouth, and, taking with him his son Henry, passed over from England
to Normandy, and found the above-named cardinals at Caen, and, by their
advice, made peace with Louis, king of the Franks, as to the coronation
of his daughter; and accordingly, with the consent and advice of the
above-named cardinals, sent back the king, his son, to England, and with
him Rotrod, archbishop of Rouen, Gilles bishop of Evreux, and Roger,
bishop of Worcester, for the purpose of crowning him and Margaret, his
wife, the daughter of Louis, king of France: on which, they crowned them
in the church of Saint Swithin, at Winchester, on the sixth day before
the calends of September, being the Lord’s Day. Immediately after the
coronation had taken place, his son, the king, with the queen, his wife,
and the archbishop of Rouen, and the bishops of Evreux and Worcester,
crossed over from England to Normandy.
The Purgation of King Henry for the death of the blessed Thomas.
Henry, the king of England, the father, king Henry, his son, Rotrod,
archbishop of Rouen, and all the bishops and abbots of Normandy, met at
the city of Avranches, in presence of the cardinals, Theodinus and
Albert. In their presence, the king of England, the father, on the fifth
day before the calends of October, being the fourth day of the week, and
the feast of Saints Cosmus and Damianus, the Martyrs, proved his
innocence in the church of Saint Andrew the Apostle, by oath, in the
presence of the above-named cardinals, and of all the clergy and the
people, upon the relics of the Saints, and upon the Holy Gospels, and
that he had neither commanded nor wished that the archbishop of
Canterbury should be put to death, and that, when he heard thereof, he
was greatly concerned. But, inasmuch as he could not apprehend those
malefactors who slew Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, of blessed
memory, and he feared that they had perpetrated that profane deed in
consequence his agitated state of mind and the perturbation in which
they had seen him, he made oath that he would give satisfaction in the
following manner:
In the first place, he made oath that he would not withdraw from
Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff, and his Catholic successors, so long as
they should repute him to be a Catholic king.
He also made oath that he would neither prevent appeals nor allow them
to be prevented, but that they should be freely made in his kingdom to
the Roman Pontiff in causes ecclesiastical; yet so, that if any parties
should be suspected by him, they should give him security that they
would not seek the injury of him or of his kingdom.
He also made oath that, for a period of three years from the Nativity of
our Lord then next ensuing he would assume the cross, and would in the
following summer go in person to Jerusalem, unless he should remain at
home by permission of Alexander, the Supreme Pontiff, or of his Catholic
successors: provided, that if in the meantime, by reason of urgent
necessity, he should set out for Spain to war against the Saracens, then
for so long a period as he should be engaged in that expedition he might
defer setting out for Jerusalem.
Besides this, he made oath that in the meantime he would give to the
Templars as much money as in the opinion of the brethren of the Temple
would suffice for the maintenance of two hundred knights, for the
defense of the land of Jerusalem, during a period of one year.
Besides this, he remitted his wrath and displeasure against all
those, both clergy and laity, who were in exile for the cause of Saint
Thomas, and allowed them freely and peacefully to return home.
He also made oath that the possessions of the church of Canterbury, if
any had been taken away, he would restore in full, in the same state in
which they were one year before the blessed Thomas, archbishop of
Canterbury, had departed from England.
He also made oath that he would utterly abolish the customs which had
been introduced in his time to the prejudice of the churches of his
kingdom.
All these articles he made oath that he would observe faithfully and
without evil intent. He also made his son, king Henry, swear to observe
these articles, those excepted which only related personally to himself.
And, to the intent that the same might be retained in the memory of the
Roman Church, the king, the father, caused his seal to be set to the
writing in which the above-stated articles were contained, together with
the seals of the above-named cardinals.
The Charter of Absolution of our lord the King.
“To Henry, by the grace of God, the illustrious king of the English,
Albert titular of Saint Laurentius in Lucinia, and Theodinus, titular of
Saint Vitalis, cardinal priests, legates of the Apostolic See, health in
Him who giveth health unto kings. That the things which take place may
not come to be matter of doubt, both custom suggests and the ordinary
requirements of utility demand that the same should be regularly stated
at length in writing. For this reason it is that we have thought proper
to have committed to writing those injunctions which we have given you,
because you entertain a fear that those malefactors who slew Thomas of
blessed memory, the late archbishop of Canterbury, proceeded to the
commission of that crime in consequence of your agitated state of mind
and the perturbation in which they saw you to be. As to which deed,
however, you have of your own free will exculpated yourself in our
presence, to the effect that you neither gave command nor wished that he
should be put to death; and that, when news reached you of the same, you
were greatly concerned thereat. From the ensuing feast of Pentecost, for
the period of one year, you shall give as much money as in the opinion
of the brethren of the Temple will suffice to maintain two hundred
knights for the defense of the land of Jerusalem during a period of one
year. Also, from the Nativity of our Lord next ensuing, for a period of
three years, you shall assume the cross, and shall in the ensuing summer
in person set out for Jerusalem, unless you shall remain at home by the
permission of our lord the pope, or of his Catholic successors provided
that if, by reason of urgent necessity, you shall set out for Spain to
war against the Saracens, so long a period as shall elapse from the time
of your setting out you shall be enabled to defer setting out for
Jerusalem. You shall not prevent appeals, nor allow them to be
prevented; but they shall freely be made to the Roman Pontiff, in causes
ecclesiastical, in good faith, and without fraud and evil intent, in
order that causes may be considered by the Roman Pontiff, and be brought
to a conclusion by him; yet so, that if any parties shall be suspected
by you, they shall give you security that they will not seek the injury
of you or of your kingdom. The customs which have been introduced in
your time, to the prejudice of the churches of your kingdom, you shall
utterly abolish. The possessions of the church of Canterbury, if any
have been taken away, you shall restore in full, in the same state in
which they were one year before the archbishop departed from England.
Moreover, to the clerks and to the laity of either sex, you shall
restore your protection and favor and their possessions, who, by reason
of the before-named archbishop, have been deprived thereof. These
things, by the authority of our lord the pope, we do, for the remission
of your sins, enjoin and command you to observe, without fraud and evil
intent. Wherefore, to the above effect, in the presence of a multitude
of persons, you have, as you venerate the Divine Majesty, made oath.
Your son, also, has made oath to the same effect, with the exception
only of that which in especial related personally to yourself. You have
also both made oath that you will not withdraw from our lord the pope,
Alexander, and his Catholic successors, so long as they shall repute
you, like your predecessors, to be Catholic kings. And further, that
this may be firmly retained in the memory of the Roman Church, you have
ordered your seal to be set thereto.”
The Letter of the same Cardinals to the archbishop of Ravenna.
“To their venerable and beloved brother in Christ, Gilbert, by the
grace of God, archbishop of Ravenna, Albert, by the Divine
condescension, titular of Saint Laurentius in Lucinia, and Theodinus,
titular of Saint Vitalis, cardinal priests, legates of the Apostolic
See, that which God has promised that He will grant unto the watchful.
Inasmuch as we believe that you are desirous to hear somewhat relative
to our present state and the progress of the business which was
entrusted to our charge; we have thought proper by this present writing
to inform your brotherhood how God has dealt as towards ourselves and
through the ministry of our humble exertions. Know, therefore, that
after the illustrious king of England had learned as a truth that we had
arrived in his kingdom, laying aside every obstacle that might retard
him, and omitting the transaction of pressing business, he passed over
from England into the Norman territories, and instantly sent unto us
many messengers of honorable rank, inquiring of us in what place we
would prefer to meet and hold a conference with him. It at length
pleased us to meet for the purpose of holding a conference at the
monastery of Savigny, where we might be aided by the prayers of
religious men. We came thither, and thither also came many persons of
either order from out of his kingdom to meet us; and we diligently
treated, so far as we were able, upon what related to his own salvation
and the obedience enjoined by us. As, however, we were unable to agree
on all points, he withdrew from us, as though about to cross over to
England, and we remained there with the intention of going the following
day to the city of Avranches. However, on the next day, there came to us
the bishop of Lisieux and two archdeacons, and that being conceded which
we demanded, we proceeded to the city before-mentioned. At this place,
on the Lord’s Day, on which is sung “Vocem jocunditatis,” we went forth
to meet a considerable number of persons, as they did to meet us; and
the king then fulfilled the conditions that had been made, with such
extreme humility that, beyond a doubt, this maybe believed to be the
work of Him who looks down upon the earth and maketh it to tremble.
Still, how that he showed himself a fearer of God and an obedient son of
the Church, it is not necessary, in the present brief narrative, to
relate. For this his actions sufficiently manifest, and will manifest
still more fully, according to the hopes that have been given us of the
future. In the first place, therefore, as to the death of Thomas, of
blessed memory, the late archbishop of Canterbury: not in consequence of
our exacting it, but of his own free-will, touching the Holy Gospels, he
purged his conscience, making oath to the effect that he had neither
commanded nor wished that the said archbishop should be put to death;
and that, when he heard thereof, he was greatly concerned. But because
what had been done he feared had been done through his instrumentality,
he made the following oath as to giving satisfaction for the same. In
the first place, he made oath that he will not withdraw from our lord
the pope, Alexander, and his Catholic successors, so long as they shall
repute him to be a Catholic king and a Christian. The same he also made
his eldest son swear in the charter of absolution for the death of the
blessed Thomas. He also promised on oath other things very necessary for
the clergy and for the people; all of which we have carefully and in
their order as he swore them sot forth in the charter of his absolution.
He also promised other things of his own free will to be carried out,
which are not necessary in their order to be committed to writing. We
have written to you to this effect, that you may know that he is
obedient to God, and much more disposed to be duteous to the Divine will
than heretofore he has been. In addition to this, you must know that his
son made oath to the same effect with himself in relation to the customs
above-mentioned. Besides this, he publicly announced that he would
repeat again, at Caen, all that had passed there, in presence of a
greater assemblage of persons, in order that there might be left to no
one any room to doubt his sincerity. He has also released the bishops
from the promise which they made to him as to observing the customs, and
has promised that he will not exact this in future.”
On the following day, the above-named cardinals held a great synod
there, together with the archbishop, bishops, and clergy of Normandy,
and there they agreed to the decrees underwritten, and enjoined that
they should be strictly and inviolably observed by all.
The Decrees published at Avranches by the cardinals Albert and
Theodinus.
Youths are, under no circumstance, to be admitted to the government
of those churches, and the administration of those offices, in which
there is the cure of souls.
Further, the sons of priests are not to be placed in the churches of
their fathers.
Further, the laity are not to have a share of offerings made in the
church.
Further, churches are not to be entrusted to the charge of vicars
hired by the year.
Further, the priests of the larger churches, who have the means of so
doing, are to be compelled to have another minister under them.
Further, priests are not to be ordained without having a sure title.
Further, churches are not to be let out at a yearly rent.
Further, let the minister who performs the duties of the church be
deprived of no portion of one third part of the tithes.
Further, let those persons who hold tithes by hereditary right be at
liberty to give them to some fitting clerk, whomsoever they may choose;
but upon this understanding, that, after him, they are to revert to the
church to which of right they belong.
Let no man while his wife is still living enter into monastic orders,
and so, on the other hand, with regard to the wife, unless they shall
have both passed the time for satisfying the lusts of the flesh.
Further, at the Advent of our Lord, to all who shall be able to obey,
and especially to the clergy and the knighthood, let fasting and
abstinence from flesh be enjoined.
Further, clerks are not to be appointed judges to administer the
jurisdiction of secular powers; and those who shall presume so to do,
let them be expelled from their ecclesiastical benefices.”
But, as regards the new books relative to those excommunicated, the
property of the dead that the priests receive, the benediction of
brides, baptism, and the eight-and-forty pounce which are demanded for
the absolution of those excommunicated, there was nothing settled, as
the bishops of Normandy were unwilling to receive a decree on those
subjects. In the same synod, the archbishop of Tours claimed the
archbishopric of Dol as properly belonging to his own archbishopric,
affirming that there ought not to be there an archiepiscopal see; but
the clergy of Dol stoutly maintained the contrary.
1174
[In 1173, Henry II faced the open rebellion of his sons Henry,
Richard and Geoffrey, aided by Louis VII, the king of France (who was
also the father-in-law of Henry the Young King); additionally, King
William of Scotland invaded England from the north. The rebellion
continued in 1173.]
[King Henry] landed at Southampton, in England, on the eight day
before the ides of July, being the second day of the week, bringing with
him his wife, queen Eleanor, and queen Margaret, daughter of Louis, king
of the Franks, and wife of his son Henry, with Robert, earl of
Leicester, and Hugh, earl of Chester, whom he immediately placed in
confinement.
On the day after this, he set out on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Saint
Thomas the Martyr, archbishop of Canterbury. On his approach, as soon as
he was in sight of the church, in which thc body of the blessed martyr
lay buried, he dismounted from the horse on which he rode, took off his
shoes, and barefoot, and clad in woollen garments, walked three miles to
the tomb of the martyr, with such humility and compunction of heart,
that it may be believed beyond a doubt to have been the work of Him who
looketh down on the earth, and maketh it to tremble. To those who beheld
them, his footsteps, along the road on which he walked, seemed to be
covered with blood, and really were so, for his tender feet being cut by
the hard stones, a great quantity of blood flowed from them on to the
ground. When he had arrived at the tomb, it was a holy thing to see the
affliction which he suffered, with sobs and tears, and the discipline to
which he submitted from the hands of the bishops and a great number of
priests and monks. Here, also, aided by the prayers of many holy men, he
passed the night, before the sepulchre of the blessed Martyr, in prayer,
fasting, and lamentations. As for the gifts and revenues which, for the
remission of his sins, he bestowed on this church, they can never under
any circumstance be obliterated from the remembrance thereof In the
morning of the following day, after hearing mass, he departed thence, on
the third day before the ides of July, being Saturday, with the
intention of proceeding to London. And, inasmuch as he was mindful of
the Lord in his entire heart, the Lord granted unto him the victory over
his enemies, and delivered them captive into his hands.
For, on the very same Saturday on which the king left Canterbury,
William, king of the Scots, was taken prisoner at Alnwick by the
above-named knights of Yorkshire, who had pursued him after his retreat
from Prudhoe. Thus, even thus;
How rarely is it that vengeance with halting step forsakes the
pursuit of the wicked!” Together with him, there were taken prisoners
Richard Cumin, William de Mortimer, William de l’Isle, Henry Revel,
Ralph de Ver, Jordan le Fleming, Waltheof Fitz-Baldwin de Bicre, Richard
Maluvel, and many others, who voluntarily allowed themselves to be made
prisoners, lest they might appear to have sanctioned the capture of
their lord.
[Henry II was able to come to favorable terms with the other rebels soon
thereafter.]
1179
In the same year, Philip, the son of Louis, king of the Franks, and
of the said queen, Ala, fell ill, and was in danger of his life; at
which his father was extremely grieved, and was admonished in his sleep
by a Divine revelation to vow that he would go on a pilgrimage to the
tomb of Saint Thomas the Martyr, at Canterbury, to prevail upon him to
restore his son to health.
In consequence of this, Louis, king of the Franks, sent ambassadors to
Henry, king of England, the father, and asked for leave and a safe
conduct upon coming into England, and also liberty to return without any
impediment, which was granted accordingly. Therefore, putting his trust
in the Lord, contrary to the advice of many, he set out for England.
Taking with him Philip, earl of Flanders, and Baldwin, earl of Guisnes,
Henry, duke of Louvaine, count William de Mandeville, the advocate of
Bethune, and other barons of the kingdom of France, he came to Witsand,
and thence passed over to England, arriving at Dover on the eleventh day
before the calends of September, being the fourth day of the week. The
king of England, the father, came to meet him on the sea-shore, and
received him with great honor and congratulations, as his most
dearly-beloved liege lord and friend, and, with due respect, supplied
all necessaries for him and his people.
On the following day, that is to say, on the vigil of Saint Bartholomew
the Apostle, he escorted him to the tomb of Saint Thomas the Martyr, at
Canterbury. Upon arriving there Louis, king of the Franks, offered upon
the tomb of Saint Thomas the Martyr a cup of gold, very large and of
great value, and gave, for the use of the monks there in the service of
God, a hundred tuns of wine, to be received yearly for ever at Poissy,
in France, entirely at the expense of the king of France. In addition to
this, he granted them that whatever in future should be bought in the
kingdom of France for their own use, should be free from toll and all
other customs and excise. All this he caused to be confirmed by his
charter, which they received at the hands of Hugh de Pudsey, chancellor
of the king of France, and son of Hugh, bishop of Durham. On the third
day after this, the king of France and his people who were with him
returned to Dover, under the escort of the king of the English; and on
the following day, namely, the seventh day before the calends of
September, being the Lord’s Day, the king of France crossed over from
England to Flanders, and landed at Witsand.
In the meantime, his son Philip, through the merits and prayers of
the blessed Thomas the Martyr, was restored to his former health: on
hearing which, the king of France, elated, amid great public rejoicings,
ordered by proclamation that all the chief men of his kingdom, both
ecclesiastical and secular, should assemble at Rheims, at the beginning
of the calends of November, in order to celebrate there the coronation
of his son Philip. When they were assembled there, William, archbishop
of Rheims, crowned the before-named Philip, the son of his sister Ala,
who was now in the fifteenth year of his age, and anointed him king at
Rheims, in the church there of the Pontifical See, on the day of the
feast of All Saints, being assisted in the performance of that office by
William, archbishop of Tours, and the archbishops of Bourges and Sens,
and nearly all the bishops of the kingdom. Henry, the king of England,
the son, in the procession from the chamber to the cathedral on the day
of the coronation, preceded him, bearing the golden crown with which the
said Philip was to be crowned, in right of the dukedom of Normandy.
Philip, earl of Flanders, also walked before, bearing before him the
sword of the kingdom. Other dukes, counts, and barons also preceded and
followed him, each being appointed to perform some duty therein,
according as the king had commanded them. But king Louis, his father,
laboring under old age and a paralytic malady, was unable to be present
at his coronation; for, as he was returning from England and staying at
Saint Denis, being struck by a sudden chill, he had an attack of
paralysis, and lost the use of the right side of his body.
1190
[King Richard the Lion-hearted is en route to the Holy Land during
the Third Crusade. A storm at sea menaces some of his ships.]
When they had now passed through the British Sea and the Sea of Poitou,
and had come into the Spanish Sea, on the holy Day of the Ascension of
our Lord, at the third hour of the day, a mighty and dreadful tempest
overtook them, and in the twinkling of an eye they were separated from
each other. While the storm was raging, and all in their affliction were
calling upon the Lord, the blessed Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury
and Martyr, appeared at three different times to three different
persons, who were on board a London ship in which was William
Fitz-Osbert, and Geoffrey, the goldsmith, saying to them,
Be not afraid, for I, Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the
blessed Edmund the Martyr, and the blessed Nicholas, the Confessor, have
been appointed by the Lord guardians of this fleet of the king of
England; and if the men of this fleet will guard themselves against sin,
and repent of their former offenses, the Lord will grant them a
prosperous voyage, and will direct their foot. steps in His paths.”
After having thrice repeated these words, the blessed Thomas vanished
from before their eyes, and immediately the tempest ceased, and there
was a great calm on the sea.
Source.
Roger wrote originally in Latin. This translation was made by Henry
T. Riley and was published as The Annals of Roger de Hoveden.
2 vols. London: Bohn, 1853.
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